NATO’s cracks that will never heal by Thanos Kalamidas

Whether Trump ever invades Greenland or not is almost beside the point. The damage is already done. The sentence has been spoken, the thought normalized, the unthinkable turned into a cocktail-party hypothetical. That alone should terrify anyone who still believes NATO is a sacred pact rather than a fragile agreement duct‑taped together by fear, memory and fading habits of trust.

NATO was never just a military alliance. It was a psychological contract. A vow that certain lines would never be crossed, certain ideas would never even be entertained. You don’t joke about annexing allies. You don’t float trial balloons about carving up friendly territory like a bored emperor scanning a map for his next hobby. You don’t treat sovereign partners as real estate listings. Once you do, the alliance stops being a family and becomes a hostage situation.

And that is the real wound, not to NATO’s tanks, not to its budgets, not even to its readiness reports but to its spine. Trust is the only weapon NATO has that cannot be manufactured. Missiles can be built. Soldiers can be trained. Strategies can be rewritten every decade. Trust, once poisoned becomes a slow, expensive disease that no summit communiqué can cure.

For seventy-five years NATO sold itself as predictability in an unpredictable world. A boring machine of consensus, paperwork, shared drills and mutual defence clauses written in the dry language of lawyers and the wet ink of history’s blood. Its power was not drama but reliability. You knew who was on which side. You knew the rules. You knew that if the worst happened no one would suddenly decide that alliances are optional and borders are merely polite suggestions. Now that certainty is gone.

When the leader of the alliance’s most powerful member casually questions the value of NATO flirts with abandoning it or toys with the idea of territorial acquisition from a partner, something fundamental collapses. Even if nothing happens. Even if it was “just rhetoric.” Even if the administration changes and a more civilized tone returns. The crack remains. Because allies do not listen only to what you do. They listen to what you consider doing.

Every European capital heard the message loud and clear, the United States is no longer a constant; it is a weather system. Sometimes sunny. Sometimes violent. Sometimes destructive. Always unpredictable. You can negotiate with an enemy. You can deter a rival. But you cannot build your survival strategy around a roulette wheel disguised as a superpower.

So NATO today exists in a strange limping state. Officially united. Practically nervous. Publicly loyal. Privately preparing for betrayal. Defence ministries are no longer asking how to coordinate with Washington; they are asking how to survive without it if necessary. Not out of ideology, but out of instinct. And that instinct is deadly to alliances.

Once partners begin planning for abandonment, cooperation turns transactional. Solidarity becomes conditional. Meetings become performances. Statements become theater. The famous Article 5 starts to read less like a guarantee and more like a clause written in disappearing ink.

Some argue that NATO has survived worse. Vietnam. Iraq. Trump before. Yes. But this is different in one crucial way: this time the threat is not disagreement over policy. It is disagreement over the very idea of alliance itself. The suggestion that loyalty is negotiable. That treaties are temporary. That partners are burdens unless they pay rent. That logic is not diplomacy. It is protection racket economics. And once that logic enters the bloodstream of global politics, it does not politely leave.

Even if future American presidents wrap themselves in Atlantic flags and recite speeches about shared values, European leaders will remember. Militaries will remember. Intelligence agencies will remember. The maps will be redrawn quietly; budgets shifted silently, doctrines rewritten in cautious language that translates to one brutal sentence: trust no one fully.

NATO will continue to exist, of course. Bureaucracies are immortal. Logos outlive principles. There will be summits, group photos and carefully choreographed smiles. But the soul of the alliance, the assumption that some things are simply unthinkable, has been punctured.

Greenland, in this context, is not geography. It is symbolism. It represents the moment when alliance stopped meaning “we stand together” and started meaning “we stand together unless something better comes along.” That is not an alliance. That is a marketplace. And marketplaces do not inspire soldiers to die for each other.

The tragedy is that NATO does not collapse with an explosion. It erodes. Quietly. Politely. With press releases and diplomatic language and carefully chosen words that hide the rot underneath. One day the building is still standing, the flag still flying, the anthem still playing, yet everyone inside knows the foundation is cracked and the exit signs are suddenly very important.

Trust, once lost, does not return with elections. It returns, if ever, with decades of consistent behaviour, humility, and restraint. Three qualities modern geopolitics treats as weaknesses.

So no, the real danger is not American troops landing in Greenland. The real danger is that NATO has already learned to imagine it. And once an alliance can imagine its own betrayal, it has already begun to die.


The Big Bang #Poem #Painting by Nikos Laios

We fragile things,
We scurry across
The Earth in ignorance
Of the majesty of creation.

At night I look up at
The cosmic fabric
Of the universe through
A wineglass in wonder;
At the billions of stars
Swirling brightly in
In the heavens above,
The rivers and flows
Of stars and galaxies
Across the cosmic web.

Then I think of the day
Of creation and how it
All started on the day
With no yesterday,
The Big Bang!

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With a digital painting from Nikos Laios

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Check Nikos Laios' eBOOK, HERE!


The man with the match, the party with the petrol by Jemma Norman

Robert Jenrick’s jump from the Conservatives to Reform UK is being treated like a plot twist. In truth, it is the logical final scene of a drama that has been badly written for years. He did not just defect; he confirmed what many voters already suspect, that the Conservative Party is no longer a political home but a transit lounge. The more interesting question is not why Jenrick left, but why staying would have made sense. When a senior figure decides that Nigel Farage’s insurgent outfit offers more future than Britain’s most successful governing party, something has gone profoundly wrong. And that something is not merely Farage’s talent for disruption, but the Conservatives’ growing talent for self-sabotage.

Nigel Farage is not a policy wizard. He is a mood merchant. He sells grievance, identity, and the intoxicating idea that politics should feel like a pub argument rather than a spreadsheet. Yet he understands something the Conservatives keep forgetting: politics is emotional before it is rational. Farage offers his supporters belonging, clarity, and enemies. The Conservatives offer leadership contests, internal purges, and talking points that sound like they were written by a risk assessment committee. Farage does not need to build a credible government-in-waiting. He only needs to look confident while his opponents look confused. Every defection becomes proof of momentum. Every Tory meltdown becomes free advertising.

Enter Kemi Badenoch, the latest custodian of a crumbling brand. She is clever, combative, and ideologically sharp, but leadership is not a debating competition. It is an exercise in reassurance, discipline, and narrative control. Badenoch has yet to show that she can unify factions that increasingly resemble rival tribes. Her instinct is confrontation, not coalition. That plays well on social media and party conference stages, but it is disastrous when your party is already haemorrhaging credibility. Voters do not crave another internal culture war. They crave the sense that someone, somewhere, is actually in charge. Instead, they see a party that fires first and explains later, that panics when leaks appear and that treats dissent as treason rather than diagnosis.

Jenrick’s defection is less about ideology than about oxygen. Reform UK is where the noise is. It is where cameras turn, where outrage is rewarded, where certainty replaces nuance. The Conservatives, by contrast, resemble a once-grand department store with flickering lights and “closing down” signs taped over the windows. Badenoch may argue that ruthless discipline is necessary to rebuild authority. But authority cannot be rebuilt by looking brittle. When senior figures leave hours after being sacked, it does not project strength. It projects chaos with a press office.

Farage, meanwhile, barely has to lift a finger. He positions himself as the anti-establishment outsider, even as he becomes the gravitational centre of the right. His skill is not strategy but timing. He waits for the Conservatives to wound themselves, then offers sanctuary to the bleeding. He understands that modern politics is less about programmes than about performance. He plays the role of the straight-talking rebel while the Conservatives audition endlessly for the role of “competent adult” and keep forgetting their lines.

So who is destroying the Conservative Party? The honest answer is both, but not equally. Farage is the match. The Conservatives are the petrol station. Without decades of internal contradictions, broken promises, leadership churn, and ideological identity crises, Reform UK would be a footnote. Farage exploits weakness; he does not create it. Badenoch inherited a disaster, but she is not yet proving to be the architect of its repair. Her sharpness may energise the base, but it does little to calm the wider electorate, which is tired, suspicious, and allergic to drama.

Jenrick’s leap is therefore not a betrayal of conservatism. It is an indictment of a party that no longer knows what it wants to conserve. Until the Conservatives decide whether they are a serious governing force or a permanent audition panel for the loudest personality in the room, defections will continue. Farage will keep smiling. And voters will keep watching the slow, undignified demolition of a party that once defined British politics, now struggling to define itself.


Me My Mind & I #01: Why I don't watchTV #Cartoon by Patrick McWade

 

A different way to check internal and external ...thoughts!
'Me My Mind & I' is a cartoon series by Patrick McWade.
For more 'Me My Mind & I' HERE!
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Robert M. Hutchins: Building on Earlier Foundations by Rene Wadlow

Much of our current work for a more just and peaceful world builds on the thinking and efforts of earlier foundations.  An important foundation is the leading role of Robert M. Hutchins, long-time President of the University of Chicago  (l929 -1951) whose birth anniversary we mark on 17 January.

Hutchins' father, William,was President of Berea, a small but important liberal arts college, so Robert Hutchins (1899-1977) was set to follow the family pattern.  He went to Yale Law School and stayed on to teach. He quickly became the Dean of the Law School and was spotted as a rising star of US education.  When he was 30 years old, he was asked to become President of the University of Chicago, a leading institution.  Hutchins was then the youngest president of a US university.

In the first decade of his presidence, the 1930s, his ideas concerning undergraduate education − compulsory survey courses, early admission after two years of secondary school for bright and motivated students, a concentration on “Great Books” - an examination of seminal works of philosophy in particular Plato and Aristotle − divided the University of Chicago faculty.  There were strong and outspoken pro and anti Hutchins faculty groups.  Moreover Hutchins' abolition of varsity football and ending the University's  participation in the “Big Ten” university football league distressed some alumni whose link to the university was largely limited to attending football games. For Hutchins, a university was for learning and discussion, not for playing sports. As he famously said “ When I feel like excersizing, I sit down until the feeling goes away.”

It is Hutchins' creation and leadership of the Committee to Frame a World Constitution in 1945 which makes him one of the intellectual founders of the movement for world federation and world citizenship. After the coming to power of Hitler in Germany in 1933 and his quick decision to ban Jewish professors from teaching in German universities, many Jewish scientists and professors left Germany and came to the USA.  Some of the leading natural scientists joined the University of Chicago.  Thus began the “Metallurgy Project” as the work on atomic research was officially called. The University of Chicago team did much of the theoretical research which led to the Atom Bomb.  While Hutchins was not directly involved in the atomic project, he understood quickly the nature of atomic energy and its military uses.  He saw that the world would never return to a “pre-atomic” condition and that new forms of world organization were needed.

On 12 August 1945, a few days after the use of the atom bombs, Hutchins made a radio address “Atomic Force: Its Meaning for Mankind” in which he outlined the need for strong world institutions, stronger than the UN Charter, whose drafters earlier in the year did not know of the destructive power of atomic energy.

Several professors of the University of Chicago were already active in peace work such as Mortimer Adler, G.A. Borgese, and Richard McKeon, Dean of the undergraduate college.  The three approached Hutchins saying that as the University of Chicago had taken a lead in the development of atomic research, so likewise, the university should take the lead in research on adequate world institutions.  By November 1945, a 12-person Committee to Frame a World Constitution was created under Hutchins' chairmanship. The Committee drew largely on existing faculty of the University of Chicago − Wilber Katz, Dean of the Law School and Rexford Tugwell who taught political science but who had been a leading administrator of the Roosevelt New Deal and Governor of Puerto Rico. Two retired professors from outside Chicago were added − Charles McIlwain of Harvard, a specialist on constitutions, and Albert  Guerard of Stanford, a French refugee who was concerned about the structure of post-war Europe.

From 1947 to 1951, the Committee published a monthly journal Common Cause  many of whose articles still merit reading today as fundamental questions concerning the philosophical basis of government, human rights, distribution of power, and the role of regions are discussed.  The Preliminary Draft of a World Constitution  was published in 1948 and reprinted in the Saturday Review of Literature edited by Norman Cousins and in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists some of whom were in the original “Metallurgy Project”.  The Preliminary Draft raised a good deal of discussion, reflected in the issues of Common Cause.  There was no second draft.  The Preliminary Draft was as G.A. Borgese said, quoting Dante “...of the True City at least the Tower.”

In 1951, Hutchins retired from the presidency of the University of Chicago for the Ford Foundation and then created the Ford Foundation-funded Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions where he gathered together some of his co-workers from the University of Chicago.

Two ideas from The Preliminary Draft are still part of intellectual and political life for those concerned with a stronger UN.  The first is the strong role of regional organizations.  When The Preliminary Draft was written the European Union was still just an idea and most of the States now part of the African Union were European colonies.  The Preliminary Draft saw that regional groups were institutions of the future and should be integrated as such in the world institution.  Today, the representatives of States belonging to regional groupings meet together at the UN to try to reach a common position, but regional groups are not part of the official UN structure. However, they may be in the future.

The other lasting aspect of The Preliminary Draft is the crucial role that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) should play.  The then recently drafted UN Charter had created a “consultative status” for NGOs, but few of the UN Charter drafters foresaw the important role that NGOs would play  as the UN developed.  The Preliminary Draft had envisaged a Syndical Senate to represent occupational associations on the lines of the International Labour Organization where trade unions and employer associations have equal standing with government delegates.  In 1946, few people saw the important role that the NGOs would later play in UN activities.  While there is no “Syndical Senate”, today NGOs represent an important part of the UN process.

Hutchins, however, was also a reflection of his time.  There were no women as members of the Committee to Frame a World Constitution, and when he created the Center for the Study of Democratic  Institutions with a large number of “fellows”, consultants, and staff, women are also largely absent.

The effort to envisage the structures and processes among the different structures was an innovative contribution to global institution building at the time, and many of the debates and reflections are still crucial for today.

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Notes
For an understanding of the thinking of those involved in writing The Preliminary Draft see:
Mortimor Adler. How to think about War and Peace (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1944)
Rexford Tugwell. Chronicle of Jeopardy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955)
G.A. Borgese. Foundations of the World Republic (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1953)
Scott Buchanan. Essay in Politics (New York: Philosophical Library, 1953)
For a life of Hutchens written by a co-worker in the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions: Harry Ashmore. Unreasonable Truths: the Life of Robert Maynard Hutchens (Boston: Little, Brown and Co, 1989)

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Rene Wadlow, President, Association of World Citizens


fARTissimo #020 #cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

fARTissimo is what people do not see when they see a piece of expression
but what they project in what they think they see.

For more fARTissimo, HERE!
For more Ovi Cartoons, HERE!



Orbán’s assault on the planet by Brea Willis

In the age of wildfires, unprecedented floods, and storms that seem scripted by a dystopian novelist, one would think that every world leader would instinctively recognize the urgency of protecting the planet. And yet, Hungary’s Viktor Orbán appears determined to swim against the tide of reason, championing policies that not only resist environmental responsibility but actively undermine it. It is a peculiar brand of governance, one that masquerades as pragmatism while leaving the air thick, the rivers choked, and future generations to inherit a broken ecosystem.

Orbán’s political philosophy, when it comes to the environment, reads almost like a case study in willful blindness. The man who built fences to keep people out seems equally eager to erect walls against the climate crisis. Renewable energy initiatives are stalled or sabotaged; green innovation is sidelined in favour of state-favoured fossil fuel ventures. There is no elegant denial here, no clever doublespeak about “market forces” or “economic necessity.” Hungary’s defiance is blunt, unapologetic, almost boastful. In a world where the atmosphere itself has become a battleground, this posture is not mere policy it is a moral statement, albeit a troubling one.

It is tempting to frame Orbán’s environmental negligence purely as a domestic concern, a quirk of Hungarian politics. Yet in truth, the implications ripple far beyond the Danube. Climate change, like gravity, does not recognize borders. Floodwaters rising in Budapest echo the deluge threatening Venice or Jakarta. Droughts that parch Hungarian farmland are kin to the infernos consuming California or Australia. In resisting global efforts to curb emissions, Orbán and his government are not merely failing their own citizens, they are flouting an increasingly fragile international consensus on survival. There is no domestic wall high enough, no clever rhetoric that can shield a nation from a planet in revolt.

One must wonder what drives this obstinacy. Is it ideology, or merely opportunism? Hungary under Orbán has become a showcase for crony capitalism, where energy contracts and construction projects often favour political allies over environmental logic. Fossil fuels are not simply an energy source; they are a political currency, a way to consolidate power while dismissing inconvenient truths. It is a reminder that climate denial is rarely about science, it is about profit, influence and the comforting illusion that someone else will pay for the consequences. And when the rivers run dry or the floods arrive, it will indeed be someone else: the ordinary citizens, the farmers, the children, and the elderly who cannot vote their way out of a climate disaster.

Orbán’s approach is also culturally telling. He frames environmental concern as a kind of foreign interference, a Western imposition on Hungary’s sovereignty. To care about the planet is, in this view, unpatriotic, a distraction from more “pressing” national interests. It is a narrative that resonates with those who feel threatened by globalization, yet it is fundamentally myopic. The environment, unlike borders or ideologies, is indifferent to political loyalty. The climate does not negotiate; it simply reacts. Denying it, delaying action, or pretending it is someone else’s problem will not protect Hungary, and it will not protect the world.

And yet, despite the bleakness, the absurdity of it invites a kind of grim humour. Orbán’s rhetoric often evokes a parody of eco-scepticism, grandiose declarations about national pride juxtaposed with the very real images of smokestacks, depleted rivers, and choking smog. One might imagine him standing on the banks of the Danube, gesturing nobly toward the water, and declaring that Hungary is “safe” because it refuses to participate in international climate accords. It is tragicomic, a blend of theater and recklessness, but it is also deadly serious.

The global community watches with a mixture of frustration and incredulity. Orbán’s Hungary is not alone in its obstinacy, yet it is emblematic of a growing pattern: nations and leaders who reject environmental stewardship in favour of short-term gain or political theater. In the grand calculus of history, this will be remembered not as a quirk of policy but as a profound moral failing. The cost is not abstract; it is lived experience: the heatwaves, the floods, the displacement, and the incremental erosion of hope.

At the heart of the matter is accountability or the lack of it. Citizens, journalists, and neighbouring nations may debate, protest, or write scathing columns, but the consequences of inaction are unyielding. The climate does not negotiate, the rivers do not wait, and the air does not pardon neglect. Hungary’s path under Orbán is not merely environmentally reckless; it is ethically reckless, an abdication of responsibility in a moment when responsibility has never been more urgent.

If there is any lesson to be drawn from this era of environmental threat, it is that leadership matters. Courage matters. And stubborn denial, when wielded by those in power, can transform a nation’s natural heritage into a cautionary tale. Viktor Orbán’s Hungary has chosen a defiant path, one that prioritizes politics over survival. The rest of the world watches, waits, and, if history has its way, remembers.


Vatican’s quiet wall around Trump by Sabine Fischer

There is something almost monastic in the way Pope Leo XIV, at least in the public imagination, seems to deal with Donald Trump, no thunderbolts, no ringing condemnations, no dramatic excommunications hurled from the balcony of Saint Peter’s. Instead, there is distance. Protocol thickened into fog. Invitations that never quite materialize. Language polished until it reflects nothing. To some observers this restraint looks like weakness or indecision. To others, myself included, it resembles an older, colder strategy: containment. Not the kind built with stone and barbed wire, but the kind the Church has long practiced when confronted with figures it considers spiritually radioactive. The heretic was not always burned; sometimes he was simply isolated until his voice echoed only inside his own skull.

Trump, of course, is not a theologian wandering into doctrinal error. He is a political animal, loud, transactional, allergic to humility. Yet the resemblance is uncanny. Leo XIV does not argue with him, flatter him, or try to convert him into a model Catholic statesman. He treats him as a weather system, something to be monitored, prepared for, and never invited indoors. This is not moral cowardice. It is an institutional reflex born of two thousand years of surviving emperors, warlords, messiahs, and self-anointed saviours. The Church learned long ago that some personalities feed on resistance. They metabolize outrage into legitimacy. Starve them instead, and they begin to consume themselves.

What unsettles Trump is not criticism but irrelevance. He thrives on spectacle, on being framed as either adored or persecuted. The Pope’s silence offers neither. It is a velvet rope around a man who expects red carpets. Each careful non-statement, each diplomatic shrug, each homily that floats just wide of his name but close enough to singe his hairstyle, becomes another brick in a wall that says: you may be powerful, but you are not central. For someone whose theology consists largely of his own reflection, this is a deeper insult than any public rebuke. It denies him the sacramental oxygen of attention.

There is also something faintly medieval in this approach. The Church once dealt with dangerous preachers by surrounding them with procedures, councils, letters, delays, and layers of authority so thick they could barely move. They were not crushed; they were wrapped. The modern version is subtler but familiar: drown the personality in process. Trump speaks in slogans; the Vatican replies in footnotes. He improvises; it drafts. He seeks conflict; it schedules meetings for three months from now and then reschedules them again. In this mismatch, charisma bleeds out.

Critics will argue that this is moral evasion dressed up as prudence. They want fire, names, and a Pope who points directly at the man and calls him what he is: corrosive, divisive, intoxicated by his own mythology. I understand the hunger for clarity. But clarity is not always volume. Sometimes it is architecture. By refusing to recognize Trump as a legitimate moral counterpart, Leo XIV frames him as something else entirely: a disruptive force to be managed, not a leader to be engaged. That is a theological downgrade disguised as courtesy.

The comparison to how the Church once handled cult leaders is uncomfortable but revealing. Cult leaders demand total loyalty, invent their own truths, and replace shared reality with a narrative centered on themselves. Sound familiar? The Vatican’s classic response was never debate; debate flatters the cult by implying equivalence. Instead, it was separation, protect the community, limit contact, reduce contamination. You do not wrestle the fever; you quarantine it. In that sense, the Pope’s distance is not political strategy but ecclesiastical instinct.

Whether this wall is working is another question. Trump still commands millions. He still bends news cycles around his moods. The Vatican’s quiet does not weaken him in polls. But it does something slower and stranger. It strips him of transcendence. It refuses to let him cosplay as a persecuted prophet or misunderstood saviour. In the long memory of institutions, that matters. Empires fall, personalities fade, but archives remain. And in those archives, Trump may end up not as a rival to the Church, nor even as its enemy, but as a footnote: a noisy layman the Pope declined to dignify.

So yes, it does look like a wall. Not dramatic, not photogenic, not built for television. A wall of etiquette, delay, ritual, and deliberate dullness. A wall that does not shout “you are wrong,” but murmurs, “you are not essential.” In the vocabulary of Rome, that is not indifference. It is judgment.


Elon Musk’s Grok, deepfakes and the irony of outrage by Nadine Moreau

Elon Musk’s latest tantrum over the UK government’s decision to limit his AI model Grok’s ability to generate sexually explicit deepfakes of real people is not just another episode in the billionaire’s long-running feud with authority and it’s a perfect distillation of his contradictions. Here we have a man who pillars his identity on free speech absolutism yet made a career out of firing anyone who dared to disagree with him and who now screams “fascism” because someone ...shockingly, wants to protect people from being digitally violated.

Let’s be clear, there’s nothing remotely noble about defending the right to produce manipulated images of real individuals in explicit contexts. None of the high-minded rhetoric about freedom of expression holds up when the tool being defended is weaponised to harm, humiliate or exploit actual human beings. The problem with sexualised deepfakes isn’t hypothetical. It’s a real-world assault on people’s dignity and safety, disproportionately women, often already vulnerable, who find their faces pasted onto images they would never consent to. This is not free speech. This is digital assault.

Musk’s outrage is rich, if predictable. The same man who has repeatedly made unilateral decisions at his companies, decisions that cost people their jobs, their livelihoods and sometimes, their professional reputations, now howls at the injustice of someone else exercising regulatory power. Fire everyone who questions you? That’s bold leadership. Government curbing a harmful use of AI? That’s fascism. This warped valuation of power says everything you need to know about his version of “freedom.”

We can parse Musk’s grievance on two levels, principle and performance. On the level of principle he’s framing the UK move as an attack on civil liberties. But there’s nothing principled about defending tools that can create non-consensual intimate imagery. In fact, insisting that an AI should be free to produce such content under the banner of liberty is a distortion of what liberty is supposed to mean. Liberty doesn’t mean the freedom to trample others’ rights. It doesn’t mean unbounded power to create harm with impunity. The moment your freedom begins to directly harm another person; it is no longer a noble exercise but an abuse of it.

Then there’s the performance aspect, Musk’s response isn’t measured grievance it’s theatrical rage. “Fascist,” “against freedom of speech” the language is designed to provoke, to inflame, to recruit an audience. It’s rhetorical pyrotechnics, not reasoned argument. Musk has mastered the art of turning himself into both protagonist and victim in any story where he gets challenged. If you oppose a harmful feature in his AI, you’re not a thoughtful regulator; you’re an enemy of freedom.

What’s deeply ironic here is that Musk’s crusade for absolutist free speech has always been selective. It’s only absolutist when it serves his interests. It’s only about his platforms, his products, his worldview. Internal dissent? Instant termination. Journalistic scrutiny? Petty complaints. Investors or employees who balk? Replaced or silenced. Yet when a government seeks to reign in a potentially predatory use of a technology he controls suddenly he’s the guardian of civil liberties. The inconsistency isn’t accidental; it’s foundational to his personal brand.

It’s worth asking why this matters beyond Musk’s ego. Because the debate over deepfakes isn’t abstract. We are living through a moment where our digital and physical realities are bleeding into each other with alarming ease. The capacity to generate convincing fake audio, video or images of real people, especially in compromising contexts, has already been used to intimidate, defame and harass. Limiting the distribution of sexually explicit deepfakes isn’t censorship in the oppressive sense; it’s harm reduction. It’s a recognition that technology doesn’t exist in a vacuum and that unregulated digital manipulation tools can be used to ruin lives.

Critics of regulation often paint such efforts as slippery slopes, if you regulate this, what’s next? But this exaggeration ignores the nuance that any responsible society must balance rights with protections. Freedom of speech is a cornerstone of democratic life but it is not and has never been, absolute. We have laws against defamation, obscenity and threats of violence. We prosecute harassment and stalking. Protecting someone from a sexually explicit synthetic image of themselves isn’t a step toward tyranny; it’s a measure against exploitation.

Of course, Musk isn’t really arguing for free speech in this context. He’s arguing for unfettered platform power. He wants the ability to say “Grok can do anything,” and to portray any limitation as existential oppression. That’s not advocacy; it’s marketing disguised as moral outrage. It’s the same tactic that tech platforms have used for years to resist accountability: frame every safety measure as an assault on liberty, every restraint as censorship, every critic as an enemy of progress.

But we don’t have to be techno-pessimists to see the need for constraints. Technologies that can fabricate explicit content of identifiable individuals should be governed with care. We can support innovation while also insisting that innovation doesn’t become a free-for-all where the collateral damage is human dignity. That’s not authoritarianism, that’s responsibility.

So if Elon Musk wants to huff and puff about fascism while defending Grok’s right to generate deepfake pornography, let him. The real conversation shouldn’t be about his grievances, but about the very real harm that unregulated AI content generation can inflict. And in that conversation, defending human beings from exploitation should outweigh defending an AI billionaire’s fragile sense of insult.


Ma-Siri & Co #116 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

Ma-Siri is a mother and a grandmother with a mechanical companion
searching for the meaning of life.

For more Ma-Siri & Alexa, HERE!
For more Ovi Cartoons, HERE!



Henry Usborne (January 16, 1909 – March 16, 1996) World Citizen Activist by René Wadlow

Henry Usborne was a British Member of Parliament (MP) elected in the Labour Party landslide in 1945. He was re-elected in 1950. He was an engineer and Birmingham businessman yet a socialist. Born in India, he always had a broad view of world politics. He was concerned that the United Nations (UN) whose Charter had been signed in June 1945 before the use of the atomic bombs had the same weaknesses as the League of Nations. Soon after his election, he spoke in Parliament for the UN to have the authority to enforce its decisions, an authority which the League of Nations lacked. He spoke out for a code of human rights and for an active world bank.

The early years of the UN were colored by the growing tensions between the USA and the USSR – the start of the Cold War. There were deep disagreements over the future of Germany. Non-official contacts between English and Soviets became more difficult. Proposals for international control of atomic energy were refused or not acted upon within the UN.

Thus Usborne, while still favorable to the efforts of the UN. felt that more popular support for a stronger UN was needed. He was influenced by the experience of the 1934 Peace Ballot which had been organized by the British League of Nations Association. Voters in this non-official vote were asked if they were in support of Britain remaining in the League of Nations. Over 11 million votes were cast with some 10 million in favor of remaining in the League. It is likely that those who wanted out did not bother to vote. Nevertheless, the 1934 Peace Ballot showed strong popular support for the League.

Usborne played a key role in 1946 in the creation by world citizens and world federalists from Western Europe and the USA in the creation in a meeting in Luxembourg of the Movement for a World Federal Government. With these new contacts he envisaged a vote in the USA and much of Western Europe to elect delegates to a Peoples’ World Convention which would write a constitution for a stronger world institution. He proposed that there be one delegate per million population of each State participating. He did not envisage that the USSR and its allies would participate, but he hoped that India would as Jawaharlal Nehru had played a key role in developing support for the United Nations. (1)

In October 1947 he went on a speaking tour of the USA. His ideas were widely understood as they followed somewhat the pattern of the United States (U. S.) Constitutional Convention. The delegates had originally been chosen to develop amendments to the existing Articles of Confederation. They set aside their mandate to draft a totally other basis of union among the states which became the U. S. Constitution. Understanding did not necessarily mean support; yet a fairly large number of organizations were willing to consider the idea.

However, in June 1950, war was started in Korea. Usborne and many others were worried that this was the start of the Third World War. Usborne as many other world citizens turned their activities toward the need for a settlement with the USSR and forms of arms control if there was no possibility for disarmament. The idea of the creation of an alternative world institution stronger than the UN was largely set aside. The focus became on strengthening the UN by finding programs in which the USSR and the USA could participate such as some of the early proposals for UN technical assistance programs. (2)

Usborne, as other world citizens, put an emphasis on developing a sense of world citizenship and a loyalty to all of humanity without spelling out the institutional structures such world citizenship should take. At the end of his second term in Parliament, he left party politics but remained an active world citizen always willing to share his convictions.

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Notes
(1) See Manu Bhagavan. The Peacemakers: India and the Quest for One World (New Delhi: HarperCollins India, 2012)
(2) See Stringfellow Barr, Citizens of the World (New York: Doubleday and Company, 1952)

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Rene Wadlow, President, Association of World Citizens

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