The Great Kolkata Riots of August 1946 remain one of the most contested and emotionally charged episodes in the modern history of Bengal. For Bengali-speaking people on both sides of today’s border, the events of Direct Action Day (August 14, 1946) have long constituted a historical puzzle: how a day announced as a peaceful political demonstration by minority Muslims in Calcutta — intended to express their desire for Pakistan and their fear of becoming second‑ or third‑class citizens in a Hindu-majority India — could so quickly descend into one of the bloodiest communal riots of late colonial India.
On August 4, 1946, a conference of Muslim League representatives was held at Zakaria Street, Calcutta, to consider the program for Direct Action Day. It was later elaborated and circulated through local newspapers, pamphlets, and posters. The League President gave orders to observe the day in a peaceful manner to show support for the League’s decisions, regarding the withdrawal of acceptance of Cabinet Mission proposals and the policy of attaining Pakistan.10 The Calcutta District Muslim League called for a “complete hartal and general strike in all spheres of civic, commercial and industrial life,” except in emergency services.
Non-Muslims were also called upon to join hands with Muslims in their fight for Pakistan. A mass procession and a meeting were organized at the Ochterlony Monument and H.S. Suhrawardy, the then Prime Minister of Bengal, was scheduled to preside over it. Muslims were asked to congregate in Maidan to display their solidarity and united strength.
A recent Facebook post attributed a partisan account of the riots to Jyoti Basu, the long-serving Communist leader of West Bengal. Yet, as I noted after listening to the audio version read by Ashim Kumar Pal, such narratives often present only one side of the story, omitting the Muslim experience entirely. This omission is not trivial. As Lt. General Sir Francis Tuker, General Officer Commanding Eastern Command, an eyewitness to the sad event, observed in While Memory Serves, “One great reality of Indian politics has for years been communalism. But unfortunately, the Congress Party hid it from the world, with the inevitable result that India today is decisively parted into at least two nations.”
Tuker’s memoir is indispensable for anyone seeking a balanced understanding of the riots. He describes how, in the days leading up to Direct Action Day, “biased, perverted and inflammatory” articles appeared in both Hindu and Muslim newspapers, while political leaders on all sides indulged in irresponsible rhetoric. His assessment is blunt: goondas — Hindu, Sikh, and Muslim — were responsible for much of the mayhem, but certain political leaders helped create the conditions for violence. He singles out Congress leader Kiran Shankar Roy, who on 14 August 1946 urged Hindus to defy the government-declared holiday and keep their shops open, dismissing the Muslim League’s call for a peaceful hartal. Roy’s speech, Tuker argues, “provoked trouble” rather than defusing tensions.
Hindu public opinion at the time was mobilized around slogans such as Akhand Hindustan and Bande Mataram, which reinforced a hardened sense of Hindu identity. Many Hindu extremists interpreted Direct Action Day as an opportunity to “teach the Muslims in Calcutta a lesson,” resulting in widespread attacks on Muslim neighborhoods. As Tuker records, by 7:30 a.m. on 16 August, Hindus had already erected barricades at the Tala and Belgachia bridges to prevent Muslims from entering the city and proceeding toward the Ochterlony Monument, where a mammoth assembly was scheduled to be addressed at 3 p.m. by H. S. Suhrawardy, the Prime Minister of undivided Bengal. Tuker wrote: “Hindus had erected barricades at the Tala and Belgachia bridges to prevent Muslims from entering the city and taking their processions to the middle of the town to the Ochterlony Monument where a mammoth Muslim assembly was to be addressed at 3 p.m. by Mr. H. S. Suhrawardy.”
The peaceful Muslim marchers were assaulted with deadly weapons, triggering riots that soon engulfed Calcutta and later spread to Bihar, U.P., and East Punjab. Tuker’s description is chilling: “Buses and taxis were charging about loaded with Sikhs and Hindus armed with swords, iron bars and firearms.” Many Sikhs employed by Marwari businessmen acted as enforcers, targeting Muslims with impunity.
Even Muslims who were members of the Congress Party were not spared. The killing of Dr. Jamal Mohammed, an eye specialist of Bhowanipore, illustrates the ferocity of the communal frenzy. As reported in Morning News (2 September 1946), Dr. Mohammed pleaded, “Why are you killing me… I am a Congressman and have served the Congress all my life.” The mob responded, “We don’t care… You are a Muslim and that is enough.” His murder was part of a broader pattern aimed at erasing Muslim presence from Hindu-majority localities.The Kazipara bustee, a Muslim pocket on Debendra Ghosh Road in Bhowanipore, was completely wiped off, which killed around one hundred Muslims. Muslim residents of Bhowanipore suffered enormous losses, as every Muslim house in the area was destroyed.
Abul Hashim, General Secretary of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, offers further insight in In Retrospection, underscoring the climate of fear and the breakdown of trust between communities. He writes, “On the 13th of August I issued a statement to the press in which I stated that Muslim League would observe the Direct Action Day to demonstrate their grievances against British Imperialism. I made it clear that our target was British Imperialism alone.” He continues:
“I appealed to all sections of the people to make'Direct Action Day' peaceful and not to degenerate itinto a strife between people and people despite provocation from elements that might play the game of theimperial power whose purpose was to suppress popularupsurge in the country.
The Muslim League had no knowledge, no apprehension and no anticipation as to the unprecedented violencethat started in the morning and continued in the afternoon of the 16th of August when we were all in the midstof the meeting held at the foot of the Octerlony Monument. The Muslims were unarmed and unprepared tomeet the situation. Men may lie but circumstancesnever lie. I brought from Burdwan with me my twosons, Badruddin Mohammad Umar, a boy of 15, andShahabuddin Mohammad Ali, a boy of 8 to showthem the great gathering that was expected on the occasion at Calcutta. I took my sons to the Maidan and LalMiah of Faridpur took his grandson aged six or seven. Ifwe apprehended any danger we would not have takenour sons and grandsons to the Maidan.”
Abul Hashim recalls that the meeting had barely begun when he reminded the audience that their struggle was directed against Fort William, not the people of India. However, word quickly arrived from all sides that violent communal riots had erupted across Calcutta. Upon hearing the news, he immediately rushed back with his sons to his residence on Ripon Street.
He recalls:
“Mr. Suhrawardy declared August 16th a public holiday, a decision described as a major blunder. While peace-loving citizens were largely uninvolved, subsequent events suggested the riots were organized by British imperialist agent provocateurs. The violence lasted for five days, from August 16th to the 20th. Although Mr. Suhrawardy requested army assistance and relocated to the Lal Bazar Police Headquarters control room to manage the crisis round the clock, the army did not deploy, local police were overmatched, and dispatched armed reinforcements failed to reach their destinations, leaving the city unprotected. Order was eventually restored after the Punjab government sent a large contingent of armed constables at Mr. Suhrawardy's request, during which time he also risked his life by driving through the city during the dayand by night. Central Calcutta was the centre of the great killing.
A friend informed me that he saw Moulana Azad Subhani walking along Bowbazar Street. I immediately sent volunteers with armed police to Bowbazar to find the Moulana. Fortunately enough they saw the Moulana in Bowbazar Street. They picked him up and brought him to my place. Monnujan Girls Hostel, a hostel for post-graduate women students, was situated at Vivekananda Road in Central Calcutta. The hostel was attacked and the life and honour of the women students were threatened. The hooligans attempted to pull down the Muslim League flag from the hostel but the students gallantly resisted. As soon as news came to me I sent a truck with volunteers and armed constables to rescue the inmates of the hostel. They were brought to my residence at 37 Ripon Street. Immediately through a Press statement I informed the parents and guardians of the women students that they were safe at my residence. When the riot subsided Mr. Suhrawardy provided funds for sending them some.”
To this archival record must be added the testimony of ordinary Muslim residents whose experiences rarely appear in mainstream accounts.An extract from the confidential reports of the Intelligence Branch described how an old resident from KatuaKhoti Lane, Md. Rafuquddin, left his para (neighborhood) on August 16, 1946:
“From the morning of 16/8/46 the people of our own mohalla was preparing for a procession of ML [Muslim League] to attend the meeting at Esplanade. That being a Ramzan day I went to bazar at about 1:30 pm. On the way to bazar I saw some people gather in our locality for procession. At around 2 p.m. I heard slogan “Allah Akbar” mixed with great noise from Bazar and saw the procession of our mohalla (KatuaKhoti Lane) proceeding towards Esplanade. As soon the procession reached Jagu Babu’s Bazar brickbats, stones was (sic) thrown at it from both sides of the road. As the procession was disorganized the Hindus and Sikhs were attacking it from both sides with lathi and daggers. After midnight we heard slogans of Bande Mataram and Jai Hind gradually approaching our locality to attack the locality. The Police Patrol party came after repeated phone calls from our locality. In the morning we set up peace committee with Hindus of our locality but failed. At about noon we left our house, leaving everything to the mercy of the Hindus and took shelter in Presidency jail. I went to see my house after 2 days and saw it along with other houses were broken and all our household property were looted. I have lost everything except the lives of my family members.” [Extracts from “Reports of the IB Officials and Assistants Regarding the Incidents Witnessed during the Direct Action Day Declared by AIML Office of DIG, IB,” Intelligence Branch Records, File No. 717/46(6), West Bengal State Archives, Kolkata.]
Similar was the fate of Sharfuddin Ahmad. He lived in Chetla, a predominantly Hindu area. He left his house after Muslim families in his locality were attacked by some Revolutionary Socialist Party goons.
He describes:
“My house at 6 Mahesh Chandra Datta Lane is the only Muslim house situated in a backward area in Chetla, P.O. Alipore. The first report that we heard of riot was from a RSP fellow recently came to my locality living at 7 Mahesh Datta Lane. He began to gather crowds around him and said Muslims gave such exciting statement in front of gurudwara that the Sikhs could not keep their heads cool and that Muslims forcibly entered Kalighat gurudwara. I found he was spreading mischievous lies in my locality fomenting trouble that would victimize my family and relatives. So I asked him what slogans excited Sikh and he said fumbly ‘Congress Party Dhangsa Hok’ and denied that he said Muslims entered Gurudwara. So I told my neighbor that he is spreading false rumours. I saw later that the RSP fellow had gathered a number of lathis and dozen low class people in a room 100 yards from my house and so I rang to Khan Bahadur Abdur Rahman, Minister of Bengal who telephoned Alipore P.O. to arrest these men. In the same building one Police magistrate was living who could not find the room of these men. Soon after 50 young men began to tour the area with baton, knives, rocks in Mahesh Chandra Datta Lane alone. All Friday nights conch shells were blown creating false panic and alarm. At 12 I toured my area in a peace squad, which met hostile elements among the Bhadralok class in front of a mosque at 12 Moyerpara Road. On the same day at 2:30 four Sikh with 200 Hindus of mixed elements attacked the above mosque and murdered the Imam and another Moulavi. The whole of Saturday night we passed a house where 6 Muslim families have been living for nearly half a century. On Sunday morning on receipt of information from friendly neighbours all the families left the house, leaving everything and fled on foot to house of Khan Bahadur Abdur Rahman, Minister. After this we heard of stray stabbing cases on Muslim in Chetla area and the same RSP fellow responsible for the murder of Ghulam Muhammed Mustafa Chaudhuri who was kidnapped and murdered near our house and thrown into Tolly Nala fromDurgapur Bridge. No Police or Military came. I am staying in a safe Muslim place with my own family. I would not venture to return to my house in a predominantly Hindu area.” [“Reports of the IB Officials and Assistants Regarding the Incidents Witnessed during the Direct Action Day,” Intelligence Branch Records, File No. 717/46(6).]
A particularly harrowing account comes from Abdul Mannan, who lived near the Bowbazar area of Calcutta, where only three Muslim families resided in the neighborhood. Abdul Mannan was just fourteen years old during the riots, yet the scenes he witnessed from the road‑facing window of his grandfather’s second‑floor home remained etched in his memory for the rest of his life. From that vantage point, he saw Hindu goondas corner Muslim passersby and kill them with curved knives, slashing open their stomachs until their intestines spilled onto the street. These were not isolated incidents; Mannan recalled watching such killings, each one imprinting itself with traumatic clarity.
When the mob eventually approached his family’s home, it was the Chinese tenants on the ground floor — owners of a small shoe shop — who intervened. They confronted the attackers and managed to drive them away, saving the Muslim family from certain death. Abdul Mannan’s maternal uncle, Mr. Noor, a Police Magistrate at the time, was able to move the family to the local police station for safety, where they remained sheltered for a week before returning home. During their absence, the Chinese tenants again protected the house, preventing Hindu goondas from attacking or destroying it. Abdul Mannan, who later became Assistant Regional Director of Radio Pakistan in Chittagong in the 1960s, would recount these memories to his children after the family migrated to East Pakistan, describing how the terror he witnessed as a fourteen‑year‑old boy never faded, even decades later. His recollections underscore both the brutality of the violence and the unexpected solidarities that emerged amid the chaos.
My own parents — then teenagers and unmarried students in Calcutta— experienced the riots firsthand. Their recollections, which I recorded in my books, align closely with Tuker’s account. As I wrote in Bangladesh: A Polarized and Divided Nation?, my father survived an attack on Baker Hostel by armed Hindu goondas. Along with other Muslim students, he resisted the attackers before taking refuge inside empty water tanks on the hostel roof. “For days, afraid of being killed, no Muslim dared to come out of his/her hiding place.” These experiences convinced many that partition — of India, Bengal, and Punjab — had become the only viable option.
Despite the wealth of eyewitness testimony, the Muslim perspective on the Great Kolkata Riots remains underrepresented in mainstream historiography. Very few Muslim historians have taken up the task of challenging fabricated or one-sided narratives propagated by communal Hindu writers who place the entire blame on Muslims. As a lifelong student of South Asian history, my research indicates that while H. S. Suhrawardy’s decision to declare a government holiday for Direct Action Day has been criticized, he cannot and should not be held responsible for the riots. He repeatedly requested military deployment to maintain order, but the British Raj refused to cooperate — allowing the violence to escalate. The demographic toll speaks for itself: eyewitness accounts suggest that perhaps four out of every five victims were Muslims, many killed by knife- and dagger‑wielding Hindu and Sikh mobs.
Recent scholarship reinforces this picture of asymmetrical suffering. As Sohini Majumdar notes, many Muslim residents — regardless of political affiliation — were attacked, displaced, or forced to abandon homes in mixed neighborhoods. Muslim girls’ hostels were raided, students were assaulted, and entire bustees such as Saheb Bagan were wiped out by organized Hindu mobs. These incidents reveal how communal violence reshaped Calcutta’s urban geography, transforming previously mixed localities into sharply segregated “safe” and “unsafe” zones.
Such evidence complicates simplistic narratives of Muslim aggression and highlights the diversity of Muslim experiences — ranging from trauma and displacement to moments of protection by Hindu neighbors who resisted the communal tide.
The Great Kolkata Riots of 1946 were not inevitable. They were the product of communal polarization, political irresponsibility, and administrative failure. But they were also a moment of profound historical rupture — one that shaped the destinies of millions and continues to haunt the collective memory of Bengalis today. Understanding this event requires acknowledging all perspectives, especially those long marginalized or deliberately erased.
A more nuanced engagement with the Great Kolkata Riots is overdue. By confronting the distortions and omissions that have shaped its memory, we move closer to a history that does justice to all who lived through it.
Dr Siddiqui is an author of several books, including Bangladesh: A Polarized and Divided Nation?(Amazon, 2021) and 'Modi-Fied' India: The Transformation of A Nation (Peter Lang, 2026).
