When doubt rewrites diplomacy by Gabriele Schmitt

Giorgia Meloni’s recent call for the European Union to resume high-level dialogue with Russia reads like a sober whisper amid a continent on edge. In suggesting the appointment of a special envoy, Italy’s Prime Minister is not simply offering a procedural solution; she is signalling the creeping unease in Brussels, a sense that the conventional architecture of European diplomacy is being strained to its breaking point. Yet beneath the veneer of pragmatism lies something more unsettling, the shadow of fear cast across Europe, a fear that is not so much about Moscow as it is about Washington or more precisely, about the idiosyncratic pulse of its current leader, Donald Trump.

For decades, Europe could navigate its alliances with a degree of confidence, balancing cooperation with caution. NATO, the EU, and bilateral ties with Washington provided a stable latticework through which foreign policy could move with predictable friction. But stability is a delicate art, and Trump has, with uncanny consistency, demonstrated how quickly it can be unravelled. In a few years, the norms of American leadership, reliability, prudence, subtlety, have been replaced by uncertainty, performative volatility, and a transactional view of allies. Meloni’s statements, and the broader discussions unfolding in European capitals, are inseparable from this context: a continent now second-guessing its most enduring alliances because the anchor of certainty has been shaken.

It is tempting, when analyzing Meloni’s proposal, to focus purely on the Russia angle. There is, after all, a war raging in Ukraine that has redrawn the map of European security in dramatic ways. Yet the subtext of her remarks is equally revealing. She is articulating a quiet anxiety that has been building in the halls of European power: the sense that the transatlantic alliance might not be as stable as once believed, that the United States’ commitment to European security could pivot on whims, tweets, and domestic political theatrics. That anxiety, more than any bombed-out Ukrainian city, is the invisible weight dragging at Brussels’ decision-making.

Consider the optics: European leaders are suddenly discussing options that would have seemed unthinkable only a few years ago. High-level talks with Moscow, the appointment of special envoys, recalibrations of diplomatic posture, these are not born from a sudden spike in optimism about Russian intentions. They are born from strategic fear, from the recognition that the guarantees once provided by the U.S. may no longer be certain. Fear, in this sense, has become a policy driver, quietly dictating the contours of European thought even as leaders speak of pragmatism and dialogue.

Trump’s influence on this dynamic is subtle, insidious. He does not merely challenge policies; he reconfigures expectations. The psychological impact on allies is profound. Countries that once assumed they could count on Washington are now compelled to hedge, to prepare for scenarios where America’s support is contingent, conditional, or absent entirely. In this climate, Meloni’s push for a renewed conversation with Russia is less a sign of pro-Moscow sentiment than a manifestation of defensive realism. If your most powerful ally feels unreliable, you begin to explore every other avenue, however uncomfortable, however politically fraught.

Yet this is not merely a story of international strategy; it is a story of trust or the erosion of it. Diplomacy is built on the assumption that agreements, once reached, will be respected. Fear, by its nature, corrodes that assumption. When European leaders begin to structure policy around the possibility of American caprice, they are not just hedging against a political figure, they are reshaping the very nature of alliances, the implicit contracts of centuries-long partnerships. Trust, once frayed, demands more than pragmatism; it demands constant recalibration, a ceaseless vigilance that in itself reshapes foreign policy in profound ways.

Meloni’s statements, then, are less a roadmap to peace than a mirror held up to the continent. They reveal the fragility of a European consensus, the ways in which fear can become a guiding hand, and the disquieting power of unpredictability in an age that was supposed to prize stability. There is irony here, of course: a continent worried about Russian aggression is simultaneously most unsettled by the behaviour of its own ally. And it is this irony that underscores the peculiar moment in which Europe now finds itself—one where the traditional hierarchies of power are destabilized, and where leaders are compelled to act not purely on strategy or principle but on a pervasive, almost existential anxiety.

In the end, Meloni is articulating a simple, if uncomfortable, truth, alliances are only as strong as the trust that underpins them. When that trust is shaken, the world does not wait for philosophical clarity; it waits for survival instincts. And so, Europe searches for dialogue with Russia not because the threat of Moscow has suddenly softened, but because the once-reliable scaffolding of the transatlantic order has wavered, leaving fear as the unintended architect of policy.

It is, in the most precise sense, the quiet tyranny of uncertainty, a lesson in how the actions of one nation, or one individual, can ripple outward to reshape an entire continent’s perception of safety. And for Europe, for Brussels, for the very heart of a fragile post-war order, the task is simple but agonizing: navigate the world not as it is, but as it might suddenly appear under the shadow of fear.


Smoke without fire by Timothy Davies

In the midst of a grinding economic downturn and a swelling wave of mass demonstrations, Iran today stands at a crossroads. Ordinary citizens, fed up with soaring inflation, a collapsed currency and the spectre of repression, have taken to the streets in cities across the country. Their chants, once focused on bread and jobs, have grown into cries against the very foundations of the theocratic state. But as Iranians try to make history on their own terms, an unmistakeable external actor has inserted himself into the drama, Donald Trump.

Trump’s recent warnings to Tehran, that if the regime slaughters peaceful protesters, the United States is “locked and loaded” to respond with significant force, are being touted by his supporters as a courageous defence of freedom. Yet beneath the bombast lies a far more self-interested calculus, one that has little to do with human rights and everything to do with grand strategic posturing. This is not solidarity; this is strategy. And the Iranian people and their struggle, deserve better than to be pawns in a geopolitical chess game.

Trump’s embrace of the Iranian protest movement mirrors, in disturbing ways, his recent actions in Venezuela. There, a shock “operation” that purportedly captured Nicolás Maduro was sold as a blow for democracy, yet it looked instead like a heavy-handed attempt to reshape regional power dynamics and secure access to energy resources. In both cases we see a pattern, lofty rhetoric about liberation paired with exercises of raw power that do more to consolidate U.S. control than to empower the people said to be at the centre of the narrative. These aren’t acts of empathy; they are permutations of a blueprint that views foreign populations not as sovereign actors, but as instruments of U.S. influence abroad.

Let’s be clear, the protests in Iran are real. They are born of genuine grievances, economic despair, political stagnation and a yearning for dignity in daily life. They are Iranians’ own story to write, driven by their own voices. Yet here is the paradox, Trump’s very interventions, his threats of military action, his tariffs, his muscular declarations, might in the end accomplish something quite different from what he intends. They might actually bolster the regime he claims to oppose.

Repressive governments thrive on narratives of foreign threat. From Moscow to Beijing to Tehran, authoritarian leaders understand that the spectre of an external enemy is a potent glue, capable of smoothing over internal fractures. When a foreign power threatens attack, national identity hardens. Citizens who might grumble quietly about bread lines or joblessness can be rallied behind flags and slogans, urged by state media to unite against outsiders. Trump’s bluster provides Tehran exactly that kind of leverage, enabling it to dismiss domestic dissent as not merely criminal but as dangerously influenced by imperial hands.

It’s a cruel irony. A president who claims to champion protesters’ rights may end up strengthening the very regime responsible for crushing them. Hard-liners can point to Trump’s words and say: “See? This is not an organic movement for reform. It is a foreign plot to destabilize us.” In Tehran’s tightly controlled media environment, that message resonates far more effectively than any distant tweet. And once that seed is planted, it’s fertile ground for nationalism, not revolution.

Furthermore, Trump’s selective concern for democratic movements reveals an inconvenient truth: concern for human rights is often unwavering only when it suits broader policy goals. In some moments, Trump has championed freedom abroad; in others, he has overseen crackdowns at home without a peep of similar outrage. This inconsistency suggests that backing for protesters is less about universal principles and more about the projection of power, power that often leaves local populations worse off than before.

Indeed, the Iranian people are acutely aware of this. Decades of U.S. sanctions and geopolitical hostility have left many Iranians suspicious of American motives. To protesters inside the country, Trump is not a liberator; to many, he is a symbol of the very forces that have contributed to their hardship. When you’ve lived under punitive economic pressures and seen foreign intervention touted as a panacea, it’s no surprise that skepticism blossoms instead of gratitude.

That’s the other coin here, while Trump’s threats might alienate Iranians from their own economic suffering and political aspirations, they might inadvertently unite them in resistance. Not just against their government, but against the notion that change must come at the barrel of a foreign gun. Street movements driven by authentic local demand for justice don’t need external champions. What they need are conditions in which they can negotiate peacefully, without the shadow of warplanes or tariffs looming overhead.

In foreign policy, the line between support and interference is thin and Trump’s recent gambits over Iran risk crossing it in ways that could have disastrous consequences. Real solidarity with protest movements is about amplifying local voices, respecting national sovereignty, and using diplomatic pressure judiciously. What we’re seeing instead is the projection of old power politics dressed up as moral clarity.

In the end, it’s worth asking, do we want to be the architects of liberation, or the inadvertent architects of resistance to liberation? Because in Iran today, those two things are not the same. What might unite the Iranian people is not the threat of American bombs, but the common resolve to shape their own destiny, free from the coercion of both their own rulers and foreign patrons. Let’s hope the world gives them that room, rather than another script written on their behalf.


Canvas of contempt by Felix Laursen

One thing Donald Trump has succeeded at in both his presidential terms and he’s barely into the first year of his second, is angering the people of culture and arts. Not subtly. Not incidentally. Not as an accidental outcome of broader policy. No, this has been a deliberate, blustering, unapologetic push that has made artists, writers, musicians, playwrights, actors and even casual appreciators of beauty feel targeted, misunderstood, maligned, and under siege. In Trump’s America, the cultural sector didn’t just become a political punching bag; it became a rhetorical boogeyman, a scapegoat for everything from societal unrest to the erosion of “traditional values.”

It’s important to stress that culture and arts are not some abstract luxury reserved for the elite ivory towers of big cities. They’re the threads that stitch together human experience, identity, memory and emotion. Culture isn’t just paintings in museums and operas in grand halls. It’s the stories we tell our children, the songs that shape our weekends, the films that make us laugh and cry, the plays that reflect back our triumphs and tragedies. To scorn culture is to scorn the very mechanisms by which we understand ourselves and one another.

Yet that is precisely what Trump has done. With each brash tweet, each dismissive comment, each calculated act of provocation, he has positioned culture as the enemy of the “real” America, the rugged, the practical, the unpretentious. The effect has been a kind of cultural trench warfare, where artists are automatically presumed to be liberal elites and any artistic expression that doesn’t align with a narrow vision of patriotism or tradition is derided as elitist or un-American.

This isn’t simply a matter of differing tastes. Every political leader has preferences. But Trump’s approach isn’t about taste, it’s about attack. He has framed culture and the arts as frivolous distractions at best and corrosive forces at worst. He has equated nuanced artistic expression with political opposition. He has used cultural institutions as proxies in a larger cultural grievance narrative, as if museums and theaters are fronts in some ideological battle rather than spaces of reflection and creation.

To be sure, artists and cultural workers have always viewed the world through a critical lens. That’s part of the job: to challenge, to question, to push boundaries and hold a mirror up to society. But the Trump era has made that role perilous. Critique is now greeted by dismissal as “political,” and artistic expression that doesn’t fit a rigidly patriotic mould is labelled as insubordinate or unfaithful. It’s not just an aesthetic judgment, it’s a moral indictment.

This antagonism doesn’t just hurt artists’ feelings; it has real-world consequences. Funding for the arts, especially public funding, becomes easier to slash when the arts are viewed as irrelevant or antagonistic to the national good. When the leader of the country dismisses creative endeavours, it sends a message: society should devalue them too. And for students, emerging artists, and communities that rely on cultural institutions for education and unity, that devaluation is more than disappointing, it’s harmful.

In the Trump worldview, culture is reduced to caricature: abstract, pretentious, out-of-touch. It’s everything that Trump claims to not be. And therein lies the incendiary power of his rhetoric. By defining culture as the enemy of “real” America, Trump creates an us-vs-them narrative that is as simplistic as it is dangerous. Artists are not the elite; they are part of the fabric of the nation, often rooted deeply in local communities, teaching in schools, organizing festivals, engaging neighbours in shared experiences. Their “elitism” is often just intellectual curiosity and emotional empathy.

And yet, because the arts don’t yield simple slogans or easy talking points, they become easy targets for a leader who prefers soundbites over substance. A symphony isn’t as marketable as a rally chant. A complex novel doesn’t generate the same fervour as a polarizing tweet. So culture becomes the bogeyman, the out-group in a political spectacle that thrives on division.

The broader American public, not just artists, should be wary of this dynamic. When we start making enemies out of our cultural institutions, we weaken the spaces where empathy, curiosity, and understanding take root. Culture is where we learn to see from another’s perspective, where we wrestle with uncomfortable truths, where history is not taught as a monolith but examined in all its complexity. Undermining that is not a harmless pastime; it’s a fundamental threat to the richness of civic life.

What’s most striking about Trump’s antagonism toward the arts is that it isn’t rooted in any substantive critique of the value of culture itself. It’s purely transactional, a political tactic designed to mobilize a base by vilifying an easy target. And in doing so, it dismisses the profound role that culture plays in fostering community, resilience, and shared experience.

In the end, the arts are a reflection of the human spirit, messy, contested, passionate, and sometimes infuriating. They are not perfect, and they should be open to critique and evolution. But to reduce them to political pawns or ideological enemies is to impoverish the cultural life of an entire nation.

So while Donald Trump may have succeeded in angering the people of culture and arts, he has also revealed something far more consequential, a profound misunderstanding of what it means to be a society. And if art is anything, it is a society’s attempt to make sense of itself, even when that sense is messy, difficult, and beautifully imperfect.


Ian Glim #002 #cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

A bewildered soul navigating global complexities armed
only with earnestness and a sharp, sarcastic wit.

For more Ian Glim, HERE!
For more Ovi Cartoons, HERE!


Why Trump targeted Sokoto with Tomahawk missiles by Tunde Akande

Rev 2:13 “I know thy works and where thou dwellest, even where Satan seat is and thou holdest fast my name, and has not denied my faith, even in those days wherein Antipas was my faithful martyr, who was slain among you, where Satan dwelleth.”

We’ve all read about the activities of the Tomahawk . We’ve heard about its actions in Syria, Libya, Palestine, and a few other places where America has deployed it since it was created in 1970. You’ve watched its glorious movement across the sky on television screens. But for most in Nigeria, it has never been encountered. It is a distant dream. It will never come here, so we think, because we are not as involved in the international wrangling. We are content with being called the giant of Africa even though by military standard we are Lilliputians.

But on the night of December 25, the reality was brought home to Nigerians that as long as the world remains, domestic issues can spin into international disputes and the most dangerous of military arsenals can be deployed on the tiniest of nations; nowhere is safe. On this night of December 25 I was doing my last beat as I do every night scrolling my You Tube before I go to bed. A friend who keeps late nights like me sent me a short tweet from President Donald Trump of America. I read it and behold the seemingly impossible: a Tomahawk cruise missile had been fired on a tiny village in Sokoto. President Trump was proud of what it had accomplished. “Its precision is such as can be accomplished only by America,” he said proudly. He had warned the terrorists in Nigeria to stop killing Christians, that if they did not he was coming to devastate them. Those who thought America came only because of Christian genocide missed the whole point. Since the 9/11 AlQueda attack, America has been in running war with terrorists all over the world. The terrorists in Nigeria did not heed Trump’s warning. They did not and now he had fulfilled his word. He greeted the American soldiers who had fought gallantly ‘‘Merry Christmas.” He also included as he puts it the “dead terorrists.” President Donald Trump deployed that crude mockery to tell Nigerians that many of the terrorists had been killed in the attack.

The US Tomahawk missiles were launched from a US Navy warship, operating in the Gulf of Guinea, off the coast of Nigeria. The missiles targeted ISIS camps in Sokoto State, specifically in the Bauni forest area of Tangaza Local Government Area. The following morning, the government of Sokoto State said there were no civilian casualties, but nobody was talking about casualties among the terrorists. But why Sokoto? Sokoto is the headquarters of the caliphate in Nigeria. It was where Uthman Dan Fodio began his jihad. The Sultans who reign there are the perpetual presidents of the Supreme Council for Muslims in the whole nation. The Yoruba, which warehouses a large percentage of Muslims, second to the north, had questioned why the Sultan, whoever he is, should be the permanent president of all the Muslims, but there has been no change. This suggests a kind of superiority of the Sokoto Caliphate, yet the people of Iwo, a town in Osun State, say they accepted Islam before Sokoto, and they claim they were the first to receive Islam in Nigeria.

But Sokoto doesn’t regard itself as equal to anybody in Nigeria. That is why it chose for itself the appelation of “Seat of the Caliphate” on its vehicle plate number. Then there’s the ‘born to rule’ mentality. But that is physical, the spiritual and the psychological aspect of Sokoto’s superiority and ownership remains and is waxing stronger everyday. The Fulani or Hausa Muslim will not pray behind his or her brother and sister Muslims from any other place in Nigeria however learned that person is. That was the main reason of Uthman Dan Fodio’s jihad. He was accommodated by the Hausa in Gobir which was part of the Hausa kingdom. But he later formed a group which he taught. He taught that the Hausa did not have pure Islam. Therefore he took it upon himself to purify Islam among the Hausa, although scholars have argued that the purpose of Uthman Dan Fodio was more political than religion. After he conquered Gobir, he established the city state of Sokoto which became the headquarters from where he ruled and from where by conquest and preaching and teaching of Islam by traders and missionaries, Islam spread to other areas that today constitute the northwest of Nigeria today. For Uthman Dan Fodio and those Sultans who have succeeded him since then especially after the amalgamation of the south and north of Nigeria, the whole of Nigeria is the heritage of Uthman Dan Fodio. Not only did he and his succeeding leaders own Nigeria they also must rule it perpetually. That was why Abubakar Gumi, the father of the current bandit-loving Ahmad Gumi, and the Grand Khadi of the Northern Region and the chief advisor of the Premier Sir Ahmadu Bello, said it was over his dead body that a southerner will rule in Nigeria. That got fulfilled until Olusegun Obasanjo was elected president in 1999. By that time the senior Gumi had died.

Sir Ahmadu Bello, the first and only premier of northern Nigeria pronounced it boldly and publicly that Nigeria is the heritage of Uthman Dan Fodio. The north must therefore resist the possibility of any leader from the south ruling the nation. Rather, the Quran must be dipped in the Atlantic Ocean. The British colonizers helped further this dream of the Sokoto domestic colonizers. What caused this on the part of the British? The Southern politicians were educated and therefore challenged constantly all the shenanigans of the British but the North was more submissive and reactionary. It is not aggressive and neither does it want any change. The acceptance of its oligarchic system by the British helped create a camaraderie between it and Britain. The colonizer was in Nigeria to cheat and exploit and Sokoto would help in that even after independence. Britain helped Sokoto to win majority seats at the centre where Ahmadu Bello pushed his ally, Tafawa Balewa, to be prime minister while he stayed back in the north as the premier of a north that was deliberately made bigger than the other regions of the south so that the north would always dominate. Thus Sokoto, not even Kaduna, which was the headquarters of the northern government where Ahmadu Bello had his administration, was the de facto political headquarters of Nigeria while Lagos, where Tafawa Balewa, the nominee of Ahmadu Bello ruled, was the de jure capital. All orders flow from Sokoto. The premier was a prince of Sokoto who contested the sultanate but lost. The Sultan of Sokoto is still today the “head honcho” of the entire north. It is not immediately visible but a discerning person can know. Sokoto remains the political capital of Nigeria even when the capital was moved to Abuja. Sokoto rules whether the physical capital was in Lagos or later in Abuja. That is the power of the Fulani. All emirs in the north submit to the Sultan. Though the relationship is complex, the Sultan of Sokoto is the primus inter pares.

Why did Trump go to Sokoto to attack it with Tomahawk? Why Sokoto? The area of operation of the insurgents is Borno State in the northeast. Ordinarily, since the focus of America is the insurgents namely ISIS and ISWAP and Boko Haram, natural wisdom demands that it strikes first in that Borno axis. But Trump and America struck hard with what he called a deadly attack in Sokoto. Banditry started in Sokoto, which includes the current Zamfara State. Bello Turji started it. He rebelled when his cows were rustled and given to an emir. An emir? You asked. Yes, an emir who was supposed to be a judge of fairness but had become an accomplice to crime and a receiver of stolen goods. When Bello Turji could not recover his cows by existing law, mind you Sharia was operational in Sokoto and Zamfara, he took to the bush, sold his remaining cows, bought a gun and became a bandit. He grew to become the head of the bandits. Sharia had failed him, and he was going to take the law into his own hands. Once the former governor of Zamfara State, Bello Matawalle, allegedly bribed Bello Turji and his team with 60 million naira. They dropped their guns for a little while but picked them up again and continued banditry.

Bello Turji is thought to be a bandit and not an insurgent. His concern was to avenge the injustice done to him by the emir and to maim, kidnap and get ransom. But why was he found among ISIS insurgents and terrorists? ISIS, ISWAP, Boko Haram are supposed to be in Borno state. But Trump knew from American intelligence that the terrorists were in Sokoto, the political and spiritual capital of Nigeria. They were in the northwest. What ignorant Nigerians did not know is that there is more to banditry than meets the eye. We don’t know that banditry and insurgency are one and the same and they pursue one purpose. That purpose is not money which they collect in huge amounts. Ignorant Nigerians continue to wonder why the lifestyle of the bandits have not significantly improved despite the huge ransom they collect. Little did they know that banditry and insurgency are one and the same thing and that both had merged for the same purpose, the purpose of jihad to conquer Nigeria for Islam. Bandits collect the money which finances the insurgency and both moved to Sokoto from two villages called Jabo and Tangaza.When they got to Jabo and Tangaza, they transmuted into Lakurawa. Like Lakurawa, they were thought to be bandits but in reality, they were terrorists in disguise. Lakurawa was said to be very deadly. They established their authority over the villages and communities; they were collecting taxes from local farmers. When the Americans fired Tomahawk at Jabo and Tangaza, it met there Bello Turji and others of his group, as well as the disguised Lakurawa. The Nigerian Army had made fruitless searches for them for years but now they are reportedly dead within a few hours of the devastating strike by America. It’s a welcome relief, some Nigerians are saying.

Did the Sultan of Sokoto, Saad Abubakar, know what was happening in Jabo and Tangaza before the Americans went there? Ordinary Nigerians and even the Sultan himself will deny it, but that denial will be very difficult swallow. If we take the testimony of the government that they gave the US intelligence, then we will believe that the government knows. The next question will be if the government knew why it did not go for broke with them. The contradictions in the testimonies of different government sources on the strike is enough proof that America did not cooperate with Nigeria at all, neither did America exchange intelligence with Nigeria. America can’t trust broken Nigeria with its intelligence. The government didn’t know they were there but chances are that Sultan Saad Abubakar knew, Sheik Ahmad Gumi, the Islamic cleric and vocal terrorists’ defender knew, so also did Professor Usman Yussuf, a professor of medicine and former Chief Executive Officer of NHIS knew since they have been visiting the bandits in the forest. What will Sultan Saad Abubakar know? This is because he is the real power-holder in Sokoto. He is the spiritual leader of the Muslims. If the problem of banditry and insurgency is spiritual, then the Sultan knows more than the eye can see.

The headquarters of the insurgents and bandits merged together in disguised Lakurawa as shown by the video released by America of the scene of the strike on that fateful December 25 is Jabo and Tangaza. It has at least one house painted white. It may have been hidden from the eyes of the Nigerian military who deliberately did not want to know, but it was not hidden from the eagle-eye of American intelligence and the American Tomahawk missile. With just 12 missiles fired at the territorial headquarters of the insurgents each costing $2 million the American Tomahawk missile wrecked havoc on the insurgents.

What is a Tomahawk missile? That's my innocent question to Meta AI in my curiosity to know this deadly weapon that can fire from a war ship in a long distance and wreck such havoc. Meta AI gave an awe-inspiring view of Tomahawk. It says: “Tomahawk missiles, that’s some serious business.” Tomahawk is really some serious business. A long-range and all weather missile developed by the US. “It’s like the ultimate precision-guided package deal.” No wonder President Trump was so proud of the Tomahawk missile. That is why he said only America could have hit with such precision. Even Meta AI was proud of Tomahawk. What Nigeria faces is more than a natural battle. Gumi and his group would not mind wiping out the last Christians in Nigeria. Ahmed Yerima, the former governor of Zamfara and the first man to clamp Sharia in his state said recently that the goal of every true Muslim is to ensure Sharia in every part of Nigeria. The powers-that-be from Sokoto has compelled the Tinubu government to tell lies about the actual nature of the Christian genocide. An Arab lady who worked as a reporter for Aljazera was seen in a YouTube video giving testimony about how her employers told her the words she must use in describing the Christian genocide. She must not write persecution or genocide, rather she must write farmers-herders conflict. Is that not what the Nigerian government is saying too? President Tinubu’s voice has been seized to say what Sokoto wants said. At every turn they threaten President Tinubu with withdrawal of northern votes and since he is in office not for truth but for lies so that he can win election, waste another eight years and leave he agreed with them. The idea of negotiating with the terrorists was sold to him but Sokoto and Tinubu bought it by putting in the defence ministry two ministers from the North who favour negotiations with the bandits. President Tinubu was compelled to retire General Christopher Musa as the Chief of Defence Staff. In less than five weeks, he was back as the minister of defence an accomplishment that he said “can only be God.” Since he assumed duty, he has faced battles with Sheik Gumi who kept attacking him and America. Sokoto is the powerhouse of Nigeria. What Britain came to rig in the independence of Nigeria to favour Sokoto, America has come to put right. President Trump and his officials may not be aware of this reality. Why did America first strike at Sokoto? From now on the backbone of Sokoto is destroyed and Nigeria can be renegotiated. Trump and his Defence Secretary Pete Hesgeth have said more strikes will still come. They must keep coming until terrorism is dealt a deadly blow in Nigeria. Then we can assume peace and progress. The headquarters of terrorism has suffered great devastation so that Nigeria may be reset.

First Published in METRO

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Tunde Akande is both a journalist and pastor. He earned a Master's degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos.


THREE #Poem by David Sparenberg

Murder
is an acquired habit.
Once killers kill
and get away with it
they will kill again.

Pause what you are doing.
Tremble with emotion.
Assume silence and solemnity.
Now picture the crime
of three seconds.

A man in a government
uniform with a gun
wearing a mask, cursing obscenely
shoots a mother of three children
three times in the face.

Blood gushes.
Flesh quivers.
The woman is dead.
In three seconds
three children are made motherless.

Once the politics of murder
becomes policy
nobody is safe.
In a society divided
between victims and executioners
there are the killers and the Bosses.
There are the corpses.
And the rest of us
hugging the shadows—waiting.

The killing in Minneapolis *
is a warning.

Pause what you are doing. Commit
to memory:
The agent who committed the
murder, recorded his crime.
He screamed at the woman
a gender obscenity immediately after
squeezing the trigger of his weapon.
In three seconds
three children are left motherless.

Murder
(pointedly political murder)
is an acquired habit. Once authorized
(and socially tolerated)
it will be authorized again.

*On the morning of 7 Jan. 2026, Renee Nichole Good, an American citizen, wasmurdered by ICE agent Johathan Ross. She was shot in the face and head three times within the span of three seconds. Renee Good was an award-winning poet and mother ofthree.


David Sparenberg is a humanitarian & eco-poet, international essayist and storyteller. He has published four OVI eBooks in 2025, including the most recent, Eco Woke, andTroubadour& the Earth on Fire. OVI eBooks are Free to download, as contributions to global democracy, literacy and cost-free education. While David Sparenberg lives in he Pacific Northwest, he identities not only as a World Citizen but a Citizen of Creation. Democracy first, Biocracy to follow.


Don't miss David Sparenberg's latest eBook Troubadour and the Earth on fire ,
Download for free, HERE!


The Trumpian hypocrisy of double standards and one dead by Mia Rodríguez

There’s a peculiar and disturbing dissonance in American governance right now that’s impossible to ignore; a president willing to brandish military threats at a distant government for cracking down on demonstrators, while his own administration’s agents shoot and kill people on U.S. soil for daring to protest his immigration policies. For anyone committed to democratic norms or even basic moral symmetry, the contradiction is striking, grotesque even.

Last week in Minneapolis, tens of thousands of Americans took to the streets to express outrage after Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents shot and killed a U.S. citizen during a federal immigration operation. Renée Nicole Good, a 37-year-old mother, mother of three, poet, volunteer legal observer, community member, was in her car on a residential street when an ICE officer opened fire and killed her. Local authorities and bystander video suggest she posed no clear threat and was attempting to drive away when the fatal shots rang out. Yet the federal narrative was immediate and chilling: she was quickly labeled a “domestic terrorist,” even as video evidence told a far murkier, far more tragic story.

This isn’t an isolated incident. Split-second decisions by federal agents with sweeping immunities have already resulted in multiple deaths during aggressive enforcement actions, and they sit against a backdrop of escalating protests nationwide. Cities from Minneapolis to Portland and New York have erupted in chants, whistles and signs decrying federal overreach and demanding accountability. Now consider what’s happened on the world stage: as Iranians have poured into their own streets, galvanized by economic collapse and longstanding repression, calling for freedom and basic dignity, the American president has declared that Tehran must not shoot its citizens. He has warned the Iranian leadership of severe consequences should they continue to violently suppress demonstrators. “We’ll be hitting them very hard where it hurts… You better not start shooting because we’ll start shooting, too,” he reportedly said, a remark tantamount to threatening war if a foreign government murders its own protestors.

The optics here are jarring. To the outside world, the U.S. posture could easily be read as principled: defending human rights abroad and threatening retaliation if protestors are killed. But to American citizens watching federal agents mow down demonstrators or blame them for their own deaths, the message feels painfully hypocritical. How can Washington lecture Tehran about restraint and the sanctity of protest when right here in the United States, citizens peacefully and legally exercise their democratic rights only to be met with lethal force?

Human rights advocates have long insisted that true moral authority cannot be exported selectively. It cannot be valid to condemn violence elsewhere when you tolerate or, worse, authorize it at home. And that’s where the current moment reveals its deepest contradiction: a nation that grandstands about protecting protestors abroad while its own police powers execute demonstrators without accountability.

We’re not just talking about bluster here. In Minneapolis, the death of Good has prompted fierce denunciations from local leaders who have openly rejected the federal narrative. Minneapolis’s mayor called the Department of Homeland Security’s characterization “bullshit,” and urged federal agents to leave the city. Minnesota’s governor echoed that sentiment, decrying what he described as governance “designed to generate fear, headlines and conflict.” A federal investigation has been taken out of local hands, fueling suspicions of a cover-up.

Across the country, the protests reverberate with a shared conviction, people are not willing to be dismissed, demonized, or shot and then buried in an official narrative that exonerates the shooters before the facts are known. And they are absolutely right to be alarmed. When state agents are given license to use deadly force against civilians protesting federal policies, the boundary between law enforcement and militarized authority blurs in ways that should unsettle any democracy. The right to protest is not a fringe concession, it’s a cornerstone of civil society.

What’s more, the double standard doesn’t just undermine America’s credibility on the world stage it corrupts the moral fabric of its own civic life. Foreign autocrats can now point to the Minneapolis killing as evidence that even the United States resorts to violence against unarmed demonstrators. They can use it to justify their own brutalities. The result is a global banquet of hypocrisy served cold.

There’s a broader lesson here that transcends any single circumstance: condemning violence abroad while tolerating it at home erodes the very foundation of democratic legitimacy. If a government cannot credibly defend the rights of its own citizens to speak and assemble without fear of lethal repercussion, its threats against other nations ring hollow.

So yes, condemning violent crackdowns in Iran is laudable. But it should never be done in isolation from the struggles on Main Street Minneapolis or Portland or wherever Americans demand justice. Moral consistency isn’t a luxury, it’s the only firm ground on which a democracy can stand. If the U.S. is truly serious about defending protestors everywhere, it must first ensure that American citizens can demonstrate against their own government without being shot in the face by federal agents. Otherwise, we’re just trading in the politics of irony and the cost in human lives will only keep rising.


Greenland cracks in the Atlantic ice by Edoardo Moretti

Mark Rutte’s careful distance from Donald Trump’s hostility toward Greenland and by extension, Denmark is more than polite diplomatic choreography. It is a warning flare. A quiet admission that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, long marketed as the world’s most stable military alliance, is no longer held together by shared instinct, but by brittle habit.

When the Secretary General of NATO feels compelled to publicly emphasize respect for a member state’s sovereignty in response to rhetoric from a U.S. president, something fundamental has shifted. This is not about Greenland alone. It is about whether NATO still operates on trust or merely on inertia.

Trump’s fascination with “buying” Greenland was often treated as political theater, a bizarre footnote in an already unconventional presidency. But beneath the absurdity lay something more corrosive, a transactional view of alliances. In that worldview, allies are not partners bound by shared history and mutual defense but assets, liabilities, or obstacles. Denmark, a founding NATO member that has fought alongside the U.S. in Afghanistan and elsewhere, was reduced to an inconvenience blocking a real estate deal.

Rutte’s response to this mentality has been deliberate restraint. He speaks of unity, mutual respect and the indivisibility of allied security. He avoids names. He avoids escalation. But avoidance itself is a message. It says, the alliance’s leader must now manage not only adversaries outside NATO but centrifugal forces within its core.

For decades NATO’s internal disputes were mostly technical, budget targets, troop deployments, command structures. They were arguments within a shared moral frame. Today, the disagreements cut deeper. They question the very premise of the alliance, that an attack on one is an attack on all, not just when convenient, but always.

Trump’s earlier comments about letting “delinquent” allies fend for themselves were not slips of the tongue. They were ideological statements. They suggested that Article 5, NATO’s sacred clause, is conditional. Optional. Negotiable.

Once that idea is introduced, even rhetorically, it does not vanish. It lingers in the calculations of European capitals, defense ministries, and intelligence agencies. It forces small states like Denmark to consider an unthinkable possibility: that loyalty may no longer guarantee protection.

Greenland magnifies this anxiety. The island is not merely a frozen curiosity; it is a strategic keystone in the Arctic, rich in resources and positioned between great powers. U.S. interest in it is understandable. The manner in which that interest was expressed was not. When power speaks without respect, it turns allies into potential adversaries and partnerships into liabilities.

Rutte knows this. His career has been built on consensus politics, on keeping fragile coalitions alive by smoothing edges and lowering voices. But NATO is not a Dutch cabinet. It cannot survive indefinitely on compromise language while its strongest member flirts with unilateralism.

The danger is not an explosion, but erosion.

NATO will not collapse with a dramatic announcement or a flag-lowering ceremony in Brussels. It will thin. It will hollow. It will become a structure that exists on paper but hesitates in practice. A meeting place, not a shield.

European states already behave as if this erosion is underway. Military autonomy is no longer a taboo phrase in Paris or Berlin. Strategic independence is no longer a dream whispered only in academic conferences. It is policy, budgeted and debated. Quietly, methodically, Europe is preparing for a future in which American reliability is no longer assumed, only hoped for.

From Washington’s perspective, this may seem ungrateful. From Europe’s, it is rational.

An alliance that depends on the personality of one leader is not an alliance; it is a gamble. And Trump has shown, repeatedly, that he views unpredictability not as a flaw but as leverage.

Rutte’s distancing is therefore both diplomatic and existential. He is not just protecting Denmark from insult; he is protecting NATO from a precedent. If one ally can be publicly pressured, mocked, or threatened over its territory, then no ally is truly secure.

The tragedy is that NATO’s enemies do not need to destroy it. They only need to watch as its members begin to doubt one another.

Russia, China, and other strategic rivals understand this well. They do not need to defeat the alliance militarily if it can be weakened psychologically, if its members start calculating risks instead of trusting commitments.

Greenland, in this sense, is a metaphor carved in ice: vast, strategically vital, and suddenly contested not by foreign powers, but by the internal contradictions of the Western order.

Rutte’s careful words attempt to freeze those cracks before they spread. But words, however measured, cannot substitute for shared conviction.

If the United States treats alliances as temporary contracts, Europe will eventually do the same. And when every member carries a mental exit plan, NATO becomes something dangerously close to ceremonial.

The alliance was born from fear, strengthened by solidarity, and sustained by trust. Fear still exists. Solidarity is wavering. Trust is thinning.

That is why the distance Rutte keeps from Trump matters. It is not political etiquette. It is structural damage control.

Whether it will be enough is another question entirely.


#eBook: The Haunted Ships by Allan Cunningham

Along the sea of Solway, romantic on the Scottish side, with its woodlands, its bays, its cliffs and headlands - and interesting on the English side, with its many beautiful towns with their shadows on the water, rich pastures, safe harbors, and numerous ships - there still linger many traditional stories of a maritime nature, most of them connected with superstitions singularly wild and unusual.

The Haunted Ships

Allan Cunningham, born December 7, 1784, Keir, Dumfriesshire, Scotland and died October 30, 1842, London, England; was a Scottish poet, a member of the brilliant circle of writers that included Thomas De Quincey, Charles Lamb, William Hazlitt, John Keats, and Thomas Hood, who were contributors to the London Magazine in its heyday in the early 1820s.

In Public Domain
First Published 1874
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Ant-sized Culinary #001 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

Ant-biotics is a type of antimicrobial cartoon strip active against boredom’s bacteria.

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Martin Niemoller: After Nazi Violence, Reconciliation Efforts by Rene Wadlow

Martin Niemoller, 14 January 1892 - 6 March 1984, was an anti-Nazi German theologian who after the end of World War II worked for active reconciliation among Germans and then for reconciliation between the West and the USSR. He was one of the six co-presidents of the World Council of Churches (WCC) from 1961 to 1968 - a period when the WCC reached out beyond church circles to raise issues of peace, development and anti-racism. I knew him somewhat during his WCC presidency when he would come to Geneva and often gave talks on his reconciliation efforts.

Martin Niemoller's father was a well-known Protestant pastor who hoped that his son would follow but who left him all freedom to choose. Martin Niemoller's first choice was the military navy, and he became a navel officer and a commander of a submarine, a U-boat. He was a U-boat commander when the 1914-1918 World War broke out. His was a nine-laying sub which mined French harbors causing damage and lose of life.

At the end of the First World War, there was no future for a career in the German military navy, and so Martin Niemoller began theological studies. In the life of an individual, there is often a parting from the original tribal or family consciousness to an awareness that there is a wider socio-historical context. Only after separation can there be a reunion on a deeper and more mature level of relationship. The war experience shaped the thinking of Martin Niemoller in ways that would not have been the case had he started theological studies right after secondary school.

He was ordained in 1929 and became a pastor of the Protestant church in Dahlem, a wealthy suburb of Berlin. He became active in the social welfare projects of the church, the German economy having been largely disrupted after the 1918 defeat, even before the 1929 world-wide depression. At first, Niemoller did not see the dangers of the rise of the Nazi party. He felt that Germany needed a strong leadership to bring the country together. Hitler might provide such strong leadership since for Niemoller, there was no equivalent leader among the liberals or the Left.

It was when Hitler came to power and started putting into practice his racial policies that Martin Niemoller became an outspoken critic. Niemoller's first protests came concerning the Nazi policy toward Christians who had converted from Judaism and even those who had been raised as Christians but who had at least one grandparent a Jew. For the Nazi ideology and its "Aryan Laws", once a Jew, always a Jew. Niemoller spoke out strongly against this policy. Since he was a minister in a well-known church very near Berlin, his views quickly became known to the higher Nazi authorities. From 1934 to 1937, Niemoller was repeatedly arrested and kept in solitary confinement for different lengths of time. In 1937, he was again arrested and put in concentration camps, including Dachau. In 1944, he was moved to a camp in Austria with other political prisoners. The aim was to kill them all before they could be liberated. Fortunately, the camp was liberated by the Allied forces before they could be killed.

At his liberation, he found the German churches deeply disorganized and unsure of what policies to undertake. Leading German theologians who had been his contemporaries had left Germany. Karl Barth (1886 -1968) that Niemoller had known as a professor at Bonn University had left for Switzerland, being a Swiss citizen. Paul Tillich (1886 - 1965) had gone to the USA before the start of the war. Dietrich Bonnhoeffer (1906 -1945) had been killed for his anti-Nazi resistance.

The German Protestants were divided by the zones of occupation, especially between what was to become East Germany and West Germany. Niemoller saw that the first task was reconciliation among the Germans themselves. He opposed the "de-nazification" programs set up by the Allies, maintaining that the churches should not participate. Repentance - as there was a universal, collective guilt - should be an individual examination of conscience and not imposed from outside. He saw that there needed to be all-German reconciliation if Germany was ever to play a positive role in the world society.

He became quickly aware of the dangers of the division between the West and the USSR. In 1952, he went for discussions to the USSR and opposed the re-arming of Western Germany. He again became a minority voice within the German churches.

In 1967 as the US-Vietnam war was increasing, he went to North Vietnam to see on what basis negotiations might be possible. In 1967, President Ho Chi Minh received a number of U.S. and European clergy who were opposed to the U.S. war. The U.S. began its bombing of North Vietnam in February 1965. Although destructive, the bombing had not changed Vietnamese policy. By 1967, however, both the U.S. and North Vietnam felt that lack of contact was potentially dangerous and could lead to greater escalation. Protestant ministers seemed to be a good avenue for contact - opposed to the war but in contact with political leaders in the U.S. and England who might have influence on policy making. Niemoller used his contacts as co-president of the World Council of Churches. However, there is no "fast track" to reconciliation. The war in Vietnam continued until 1975 and reconciliation came even later.

The life of Martin Niemoller is a dramatic reflection of German life from 1914 to the 1970s - a reflection of political currents and intellectual-spiritual movements.

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Note
1) For a good biography, see James Bently. Martin Niemoller, 1892-1984 (New York: Macmillan Free Press, 1984)
For a collection of essays in English of his reconciliation thinking see:
Martin Niemoller. One World or No World (1964)

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Rene Wadlow, President, Association of World Citizens


When doubt rewrites diplomacy by Gabriele Schmitt

Giorgia Meloni’s recent call for the European Union to resume high-level dialogue with Russia reads like a sober whisper amid a continent o...