The riot of broken promises by Emma Schneider

Across Europe, economic anger is becoming increasingly visible in the streets. Inflation, housing costs, energy bills and stagnant wages have turned ordinary life into an exercise in financial humiliation. For millions, the celebrated middle-class dream has become a cruel joke: work hard, pay your taxes, behave responsibly, and perhaps, if nothing goes wrong, you might afford a home before retirement.

And politicians wonder why people are furious. The modern middle class was sold a contract. Education would lead to employment, employment to security, and security to a modest prosperity that could be passed to the next generation. A house, a family, a holiday, a pension and the comforting belief that tomorrow would probably be better than today. Nothing extravagant. Just a life without permanent financial panic.

That contract is now being shredded, and the people holding the pieces are being told to remain patient. They are told inflation is falling, as if slower price increases magically restore the purchasing power already lost. They are told employment figures look healthy, even when working people cannot afford the homes they clean, the hospitals where they work or the cities whose economies depend on them. They are told growth is returning, while their bank accounts tell a different story.

Statistics are wonderful things. They can make almost any political failure look respectable if you choose the correct column. Meanwhile, rent devours salaries, supermarkets punish families, energy companies issue their demands, and landlords congratulate themselves on the market. Young people postpone independence. Parents calculate which expenses can be sacrificed. Pensioners choose between heating and eating. People with respectable jobs discover that respectability does not pay the electricity bill.

This is not merely poverty. It is the collapse of expectation. And expectation matters. People can endure hardship when they believe it is temporary, shared fairly and followed by something better. What they cannot endure indefinitely is watching sacrifice become permanent for them and optional for those at the top.

When frustration spills into the streets, governments reach instinctively for the familiar equipment: police lines, emergency restrictions, curfews, arrests and stern declarations about public order. Of course, violence must be contained. Businesses and innocent people should not become targets for somebody else's rage. But controlling a street is not the same as solving the problem that filled it.

A government that responds to economic desperation exclusively through policing is treating the smoke while protecting the fire. The deeper scandal is the political double standard. When financial markets panic, emergency meetings appear, billions are mobilised and ministers suddenly discover the vocabulary of urgency. When ordinary households panic, they receive advice about budgeting, resilience and making better choices. Apparently, a bank's distress is a systemic emergency, while a family's distress is a personal failure.

This is not economic policy. It is class politics wearing a respectable suit. Europe's leaders should understand that democratic stability cannot survive indefinitely on speeches about competitiveness while citizens experience insecurity. Affordable housing, reliable public services, wages that reflect living costs and fair taxation are not revolutionary luxuries. They are the foundations of a society that expects its citizens to respect its institutions.

Nor should governments imagine that every protester belongs to the same political camp. Economic desperation attracts legitimate grievances, opportunists, extremists and people who simply have nowhere else to turn. The far right understands this perfectly. It offers easy enemies, theatrical nationalism and the seductive promise that somebody else is responsible for everything. Mainstream politicians who ignore material suffering are practically writing its recruitment pamphlets.

The tragedy is that the middle-class dream is not disappearing because Europeans have suddenly become lazy or unreasonable. It is disappearing because the distance between effort and security has become absurd.

A society cannot endlessly demand patience from people who have run out of money, options and faith. Eventually, the question changes. It is no longer whether life will improve, but whether the system has any intention of allowing it to improve.

The flames in the streets may eventually be extinguished. The resentment will remain. And when the next election arrives, governments may discover that the most destructive fire was never burning in a rubbish bin. It was burning inside millions of people who did everything they were told to do, only to discover that the promised future had been sold to somebody else.


The spy in your pocket by Polly Hobbs

Your phone knows where you sleep, where you work, which hospital you visit, whom you meet, how long you stay, and which road you take when you do not want to be seen. It knows your routines better than your neighbours, sometimes better than your family, and occasionally better than you know yourself. Yet every morning, millions of people wake up, open a navigation app, and surrender another piece of their lives to a cheerful digital voice announcing that they should turn left.

Welcome to the wonderful world of modern espionage, where nobody needs to recruit a spy when an entire population willingly carries tracking equipment in its pockets. Governments are increasingly concerned about navigation applications and other consumer technologies collecting data that could expose sensitive locations, official movements, military installations, and the private habits of public servants. Directives telling civil servants to abandon certain applications reflect a growing recognition that digital convenience can become a security liability. The concern is not necessarily that every app is a foreign intelligence operation. It is that the data these services collect, retain, share, or expose can become intelligence material in the wrong hands.

And that is where the story becomes considerably uglier. For decades, espionage required patience, human contacts, expensive equipment, and considerable risk. Today, location data can reveal patterns of life on an extraordinary scale. Repeated visits to a particular building, unusual movements around a restricted facility, or the simultaneous disappearance of several officials from their usual routines may reveal information that no individual intended to disclose. Combine location histories with public records, social media posts, commercial databases, and a little analytical sophistication, and ordinary behaviour begins to resemble an intelligence report.

Nobody needs to photograph a secret meeting if the participants' phones have already documented their arrival. The disturbing part is that citizens have been trained to accept this arrangement as the price of convenience. We exchange privacy for traffic updates, discounts, restaurant recommendations, taxi bookings, and the reassuring blue line that tells us where we are going. The transaction is presented as voluntary, although the alternatives are increasingly inconvenient. Refuse the tracking, and some services become less useful. Ignore the permissions, and the application may still collect other forms of information.

Apparently, technological progress means becoming increasingly efficient at giving away things we never properly understood we possessed. But governments should resist the temptation to turn this legitimate security problem into an excuse for indiscriminate digital paranoia. Banning one navigation app while allowing dozens of other applications to collect comparable information is not a strategy. It is theatre. Replacing one foreign service with a domestic equivalent does not automatically solve anything, particularly when the replacement operates under weak safeguards, opaque commercial arrangements, or insufficient independent scrutiny.

The nationality of a company's headquarters matters less than the architecture of its data collection, the jurisdictions to which its information is exposed, its security practices, and the degree of control users actually possess. Foreign surveillance risks are real, but domestic surveillance is not magically harmless because the flag above the server room happens to be familiar.

Nor should we pretend that GPS itself is the villain. Satellite positioning, by itself, does not automatically report every movement to a foreign government. The danger often lies in the connected ecosystem: smartphones, application permissions, cloud storage, advertising identifiers, data brokers, and the companies capable of assembling scattered information into an astonishingly detailed picture of human behaviour.

That distinction matters. Otherwise, governments risk frightening the public about the wrong technology while leaving the commercial machinery of surveillance comfortably untouched.

Public institutions need clear rules. Sensitive personnel should use properly assessed devices and applications, location permissions should be restricted to genuine operational needs, and procurement decisions should include rigorous security reviews. Organisations must understand what data their software collects, where it travels, how long it remains available, and who can obtain it. Independent audits and enforceable privacy protections are not bureaucratic luxuries; they are basic defensive infrastructure.

Technology companies, meanwhile, should stop pretending that a dense privacy policy constitutes meaningful consent. If collecting location data creates a security risk, users deserve clear explanations, genuine choices, and limits on retention and onward sharing. Governments must also scrutinise the commercial trade in sensitive location information rather than treating it as an ordinary marketplace inconvenience.

There is a larger political question here. When states warn their employees that everyday applications may expose sensitive information, they are admitting that national security no longer ends at the border, the military base, or the locked office door. It extends into the infrastructure of daily life, where commercial platforms quietly accumulate information that can be repurposed far beyond the original service.

The answer cannot be to abandon technology and return to paper maps, although one suspects that certain intelligence agencies would appreciate the resulting reduction in public enthusiasm for oversharing. Nor can it be to demand blind trust in governments that collect data of their own.

We need something more difficult: digital convenience without automatic surrender, security without mass suspicion, and innovation without the assumption that every available piece of personal information is fair game.

Your navigation app may genuinely want to help you avoid a traffic jam. But the infrastructure behind that helpful blue arrow may also create a record of where you have been, whom you have visited, and what your movements reveal.

The road ahead is therefore not simply about choosing the correct route. It is about deciding who gets to follow us along it. Because the most successful spy in the modern world may not be hiding in a diplomatic pouch, carrying a camera beneath a trench coat, or whispering secrets in a dark car park. It may be sitting on your dashboard, asking whether you would like to share your location to improve your experience.


Yesterday’s beautiful prison Jennifer Stephenson

Welcome to the 2020s, the decade in which innovation increasingly means putting an old face under new lighting, selling yesterday’s dreams at tomorrow’s prices and pretending that repetition is a revolutionary act. Fashion has become particularly shameless in this game. When familiar supermodels return to the Victoria’s Secret runway, the internet erupts as though civilisation has rediscovered fire. The photographs circulate, the comments explode, the old names trend, and an industry that claims to celebrate beauty, youth and transformation congratulates itself for recycling personalities audiences already recognise. Apparently, the future of fashion is a reunion tour with better moisturiser.

Let us be clear: there is absolutely nothing wrong with older models returning to the runway. Their experience, confidence and enduring presence deserve recognition. The problem is not their age. It is an industry so frightened of genuine discovery that it repeatedly reaches for established names rather than investing seriously in unfamiliar talent. The veterans are not the villains. The system that makes them its safest commercial insurance policy is.

And fashion is hardly alone. Cinema resurrects familiar franchises until even fictional universes begin to resemble retirement homes. Television drags beloved characters through another season because executives fear the financial consequences of introducing someone new. Music celebrates reunion tours, anniversary performances and legacy acts while emerging artists fight for a few seconds of attention between advertisements, algorithmic recommendations and another celebrity scandal.

We have mistaken recognition for creativity. If we have seen something before, we know how to react to it. If we know how to react, we can share it. If we share it, somebody can monetise it. Somewhere in this depressingly efficient chain, the possibility of surprise quietly dies.

The algorithm is not necessarily intelligent, but it understands human weakness. Familiarity produces immediate emotional responses. An old photograph, a recognisable face, a familiar chorus: each offers a shortcut to a feeling we have already experienced. New talent, by contrast, requires patience. New ideas demand attention. New artistic voices may offend our expectations, challenge our tastes or simply fail before they succeed.

And failure is the one thing the modern entertainment industry appears determined to eliminate, preferably before the first rehearsal. Corporate culture has turned caution into a business philosophy. Executives demand originality in presentations and proven formulas in production. They want the next cultural revolution, provided it resembles the last one closely enough to satisfy shareholders. They want new stars with old audiences, fresh concepts with familiar branding, and daring artistic statements that will not frighten advertisers.

The result is a cultural merry-go-round spinning furiously while going nowhere. Meanwhile, an entire generation of artists is being asked to compete against nostalgia itself. Young designers must somehow be original without disturbing established commercial expectations. New musicians must develop distinctive identities while platforms reward instantly recognisable sounds. Young actors must prove themselves in stories whose emotional real estate is already occupied by characters created decades before they were born.

Imagine entering a profession where the most celebrated achievement is your ability to remind everyone of somebody else. This obsession also reveals something uncomfortable about audiences. We complain that popular culture lacks imagination, then click on the reunion photograph, buy the anniversary edition and demand another sequel. We criticise commercial repetition while rewarding it with our attention. Nostalgia becomes a trap partly because we willingly decorate its walls.

Of course, the past matters. Art does not emerge from a vacuum, and cultural memory deserves preservation. The problem begins when remembrance becomes a substitute for creation, when yesterday is no longer a foundation but a hiding place.

A healthy culture should honour its veterans while making room for strangers. It should allow established artists to return without requiring newcomers to imitate them. It should understand that creative renewal involves risk, awkward experiments, commercial failures and occasional masterpieces nobody initially knows how to sell.

The next cultural icon will not necessarily arrive with a famous surname, a familiar costume or a ready-made fan base. They may arrive looking strange, sounding unfamiliar and refusing to behave according to an algorithm's commercial expectations.

That is precisely why they need a chance. Otherwise, the 2020s will leave behind an extraordinary monument to cultural cowardice: a society with unprecedented technology, limitless distribution and supposedly infinite creative possibilities, endlessly applauding the same faces in slightly different clothes.

We do not need to abolish nostalgia. We need to stop treating it as a business model for the future. Yesterday had its stars. Tomorrow deserves its own. And if our cultural gatekeepers cannot tell the difference, perhaps it is time somebody stopped inviting them to the show.


The current political system cannot lead Nigeria to the promised land by Tunde Akande

I’m very excited now in my discoveries about the practical issues of the current Nigeria political system. I’m excited because I’m discovering every single day in practical terms why Nigeria has not developed and may never develop. If we continue with the current system we may just as well forget about development.

The last time I voted was during Muhammadu Buhari’s run with Pastor Tunde Bakare, my pastor, in 2011. I voted because my pastor assured us in our church, the Latter Rain Assembly in Lagos, that Buhari was divine will. Of course it had to be, because the way my pastor also became his running mate was nothing short of divine package. I particularly joined in and did what I called political evangelism. It was an application of our training in house to house evangelism in the church to political campaigns.

I campaigned vigorously despite my poor economic condition at that time because I felt it was a divine mandate and I had to apply the same zeal as I apply to the preaching of Jesus as the Saviour. Unfortunately, the Buhari/Bakare ticket taught me some practical lessons. And that is that not everything is “thus saith the Lord.” Practical sense has to come into everything we do as Christians. We have to work on both ends.

I did not vote during the popular MKO Abiola election in 1993 because I did not believe in Abiola and since the Buhari-Bakare ticket I have not voted. I simply refuse to take part in electing the next fool to rule Nigeria. Friday October 16, as I prepared to go on my usual evening walk a call from a strange number came into my phone. I normally don’t answer calls that are not registered in my contacts but I felt prompted to answer this one.

Hello, who am I speaking with? What I got was the voice of a lady who obviously must be very young, perhaps a recent university graduate was what I got. Why are you talking to me? She was doing a survey for the Hamzat Campaign organization. I shouldn’t be concerned about Lagos since I am in Ibadan. But eh I was in Lagos until recently and I will soon be back to that hectic city when I finish what I’m doing in Ibadan. What’s more, my son is still in that hell, living in a hole and paying a whooping 1 million naira for a one bedroom apartment that looks more like a hellhole.

Let me answer. “Please go on”, but I have little time to spare since I am almost ready to go on a walk. The young lady, one of the current generation that the Nigerian government has forgotten except they have fathers or mothers in high places. Call them the forgotten race and you wouldn’t be wrong. Her answer came effortlessly and with grace: “you won’t have to answer any questions you don’t want to and I will be very brief.”

“Do you have a voter’s card?” “Yes I do, but it is still with INEC. I went to check it as they invited me to in the first week of October but they told me to come again in November which made me lash out at them for inefficiency.“ The young lady must have calculated that I transferred my voter’s card from Lagos to Ibadan. She was correct and I answered in the affirmative. “ Would you vote in 2027?” was her next question. My response was unequivocal: “I will not because I have no candidate but I want my voter’s card for keeps.”

She didn’t stop there but fired the next question; “would you vote for President Bola Tinubu? I literally got mad and roared: I will be the last person to vote for President Bola Tinubu. He is my enemy. He has ruined Nigeria and has transferred money from the poor to the rich in his policies.

The lady was still not deterred. She fired the next question; “what about Dr. Obafemi Hamzat? Hamzat is the deputy governor of Lagos State. I also have a quarrel with him. Is he not the one reported to have asked youths to live with their parents even after they have reached age 18 because of the high rent in Lagos. “That was very insensitive of him to have said that. Didn’t he live in America before he came back to Nigeria? Was he living with his parents? That opinion could cost him the governorship of Lagos. It means he is not thinking about the youth demographic which is highest now in Nigeria.”

The well-trained young lady thanked me and let me leave after we concluded our conversation. But her demeanour and survey immediately made me remember my appreciation for Lagos State. Even though they are also corrupt, I rate Lagos above all states in the south in their approach to policies. Everything is studied. The survey also reminded me of a course I also took at the University of Lagos taught by Professor Idowu Sobowale, a very hard working and committed academic who died on October 7, 2026. The course, precision journalism which he handled and taught with dexterity became a vital tool with which the Lateef Jakande administration in Lagos State tackled the issue of free education. Professor Idowu Sobowale was brought into government by the late Alhaji Jakande.

When President Bola Tinubu, as governor of Lagos State, retained Professor Idowu Sobowale, his precision journalism was very useful to the Tinubu administration. I heard that Sobowale was also engaged to do a survey for President Muhammadu Buhari in his first tenure but that the almost illiterate leader did not use the findings of the survey on necessary policies for the nation. Buhari came in with a Fulani agenda and no survey will swing him to the contrary. Buhari failed and had to ask Nigerians to forgive him as he departed never to return again.

The excitement of my discussion with the smart Lagos lady coupled with my latest interaction with politicians from the level of community engagement and involvement with second level politicians heightened my excitement. I am getting an inner involvement with politicians. Why have they consistently failed Nigerians? First reason especially in Oyo State where I come from, was their archaic approach to policy formulation and implementation. They still think like the old politicians of the 1950s. Everything is by the rule of thumb.

I went straight to a middle level politician who had been a local government chairman and one of the respected strategists in a major political party. As they all do, he has been in virtually every political party. They are all migrants. I asked him if his current party has any research team for its gubernatorial candidate. Indeed, when they started meeting after their gubernatorial candidate was declared, they formed many committees, one of which was research, but he could not say for sure if it was functional. He would find out for me.

I told the story of my interview with the young lady and the questions I was asked. I told the story of my exposure to a course in precision journalism and how Professor Idowu Sobowale had used it to help Lateef Jakande and Bola Tinubu as Lagos State governor. I recommended it to help them in their work for their gubernatorial candidate so that they will not be boxing empty air but hitting issues straight on their heads. I recommended the Lagos approach to them.

My first practical findings as I got mixed in political groups was this archaic approach to issues. A typical Yoruba politician will prefer juju (traditional medicine) to research. Yet many of them are university products. President Bola Tinubu is out of that pack. Yet he also went to Umrah or lesser hajj to pray during the 2023 elections. He said he went to pray when the journey became very hot. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has alleged that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar is a master at consulting the marabouts. I was in the house of a gubernatorial candidate on the day he was to travel to Mecca for Umrah in Saudi Arabia. He had about three Alfas to travel with him. They were going to the place to pray obviously for success in the election. He would not see the people he wanted to serve, but rather evade them. God will impose him on them, so I think he thinks.

Rather than concentrate on appropriate policy formulation to improve the society, they will rather go to hide in a place to pray. Christians go to the wailing wall in Jerusalem to pray while Muslims go to Mecca to pray so that God or Allah will win the election for them even when it is certain they had no programme for the people. They do not make adequate preparation for the office they seek to occupy.

Is God or Allah senseless? I don’t think so. God or Allah are the most logical persons you can think of. Yet Nigerian leaders treat them so. They kill and maim and plot evil and are lazy and yet hope to substitute false piety and prayer for hard thinking and hard work. They pray and yet in their mind they think of rigging the election. They think about God/Allah, yet they consult the occult. They may win by their means but they are never going to succeed unless they plan and decide to move the society in the right direction. We will continue in the second part.

First Published in METRO

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Tunde Akande is both a journalist and pastor. He earned a Master's degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos.


Ephemera #163 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

Ephemera: a word with ancient Greek roots meaning:
‘something that is produced or created that
is never meant to last or be remembered’.

For more Ephemera, HERE!
For more Ovi Cartoons, HERE!


The world is my ballot box by Mathew Walls

Diplomacy used to have at least one elementary rule: you could have opinions about another country's politics, but you were expected to exercise enough discretion not to behave like an unelected campaign manager for its next election. Those days are apparently dead, buried beneath a mountain of presidential social-media posts, televised insults and politicians who believe that every foreign crisis is an opportunity to collect domestic applause.

Welcome to the global political soap opera, where the borders remain on the maps but the culture wars have gone international. Emmanuel Macron has warned against foreign political interference in domestic unrest, highlighting a problem that Western governments increasingly struggle to confront without tripping over their own hypocrisy. Because while European leaders complain about outsiders meddling in their affairs, American political figures have become increasingly willing to comment on European policies, endorse ideological allies abroad and insert themselves into arguments that properly belong to other countries' democratic processes.

Apparently, sovereignty is sacred until somebody discovers a foreign audience that might enjoy hearing them denounce its government. The old diplomatic distinction between expressing an opinion and actively interfering has become blurred by the machinery of modern politics. A president criticises a foreign government, praises an opposition movement or presents another country's domestic conflict as evidence for his own ideological crusade. Within minutes, the statement is circulating across social media, translated into competing political narratives and weaponised by domestic factions thousands of kilometres away.

The foreign leader gets a headline. The domestic politician gets ammunition. The public gets another episode of a series nobody remembers commissioning. And somewhere beneath the noise, actual diplomacy is quietly suffocating. There is nothing inherently wrong with leaders discussing human rights, democratic standards or policies that have international consequences. Silence can become complicity when governments commit abuses, undermine democratic institutions or threaten international security. The principle of non-interference must never become a convenient shield behind which authoritarian governments hide their crimes.

But there is a difference between defending universal principles and treating another country's political divisions as raw material for your own electoral theatre. The first requires consistency, evidence and a willingness to apply the same standards to friends and adversaries. The second requires little more than a microphone and an audience already convinced that everyone on the other side is evil.

Consider the absurdity. A European government struggles with protests over immigration, pensions or economic hardship. Instead of allowing the argument to develop through its own democratic institutions, foreign politicians rush to frame the unrest as proof that their ideological opponents have failed. One side announces the death of liberal democracy; another declares the imminent triumph of authoritarianism. Every demonstration becomes a geopolitical referendum, every parliamentary dispute a battle for civilisation.

Apparently, millions of people cannot simply disagree about taxes, public services or the direction of their country. They must be recruited into somebody else's grand ideological war.

This is how domestic politics becomes an international export industry. Donald Trump's approach to foreign political disputes illustrates the problem particularly clearly. His public interventions in European political debates have frequently blurred the distinction between traditional diplomatic engagement and the promotion of political positions that align with his own domestic agenda. European leaders, in turn, face the temptation to answer every provocation publicly, transforming disagreements that might once have been handled through diplomatic channels into an endless contest of televised defiance.

Neither side emerges with much dignity. The spectacle rewards confrontation, not resolution. And the greatest losers are voters, whose political choices increasingly become props in arguments conducted by leaders who do not live with the consequences of those choices.

Foreign interference is not always a secret operation involving stolen data, covert funding or manipulated information. Sometimes it is an open attempt to legitimise one political faction while discrediting another. Such interventions do not automatically determine electoral outcomes, but they can intensify polarisation, undermine trust and encourage citizens to view domestic opponents as agents of foreign ideological enemies.

The irony is extraordinary. Leaders who loudly defend national sovereignty can simultaneously undermine the sovereignty of others by treating their political systems as extensions of their own campaigns. Europe should resist this temptation without pretending that it is innocent of it. European politicians also criticise foreign governments, court sympathetic political movements and use international controversies to strengthen domestic narratives. No continent possesses a monopoly on hypocrisy, and no leader should receive immunity simply because the interference comes wrapped in familiar democratic language.

The answer is not diplomatic silence. It is diplomatic discipline: distinguish legitimate criticism from partisan intervention, expose covert interference wherever it occurs, and demand consistent standards from allies as well as adversaries. Sovereignty does not mean governments are entitled to escape scrutiny. It means citizens must retain the freedom to determine their political future without powerful outsiders attempting to dictate the terms of their debate.

The world has become interconnected. Its politics will inevitably follow. But interconnectedness is not an invitation to turn every country's electorate into a foreign leader's campaign department. If presidents want to campaign, they should campaign at home. If they want to defend democracy abroad, they should do so through principles they are prepared to uphold consistently.

The world has enough problems without importing somebody else's election circus. And if every national crisis becomes an international campaign advertisement, perhaps the most endangered border is no longer the one separating countries. It is the border between diplomacy and propaganda.


Not A Hamlet But A City #Poem #Narrative by Jan Sand

 

Alas, poor New York, I knew it well,
When FDR and La Guardia
Tried pulling us out of hell.
I grew up in Bay Ridge, Brooklyn
Shopped the pushcarts on Thirteenth Avenue
Where still warm Jewish Rye and smoked whitefish
Was so damned good it made me cry.

Where I saw and heard the roar
Of the Hindenburg dirigible as it flew by overhead,
And celebrated the Queen Elizabeth
And the Normandy that plowed the lower bay.
I played in Bliss Park when it was fiercely wild
Before it was sadly tamed by the WPA.
The great depression left many empty lots
Where houses once stood but were not disciplined by
Unimaginative architects but were permitted to indulge
In the random creative architecture of natural neglect,
An explosion of the wonders of delightful chaos that donated
Play areas far beyond the rigid nonsense of current playgrounds.

I remember well the tiny cemetery on Narrows Avenue
Where remained the few neglected graves of those who died
In the Revolutionary War were visited every Decoration Day
By old Civil War veterans in gratitude.
I recall the terror I felt to see Fredric March melt
From Dr. Jekyll into Mr. Hyde at the local Loews theater
Where Chaplin, The Marx Brothers, and Eddie Cantor frolicked,
Along with King Kong, Frankenstein, as well as Dracula.

Times were tough, and mornings, along with the clang of the bay buoys,
I could hear the guy go by in his horse drawn wagon cry, ” I cash clothes”.
German bands of street musicians wandered through with saxophones,
Trombones and tubas to milk the listening windows of small coins,
And the hokey pokey horse and wagon sold ice cream and three cent cups
Of orange and lemon ices on ninety degree summer days that soften asphalt streets
That were repaired by monstrous puffing steam shovels and steam rollers.
Occasionally a squirrel would leap off the nearby telephone wires and scuttle
Down the long hallway from my bedroom to the kitchen to steal a breadcrust
And quickly retreat.

Evenings began on the radio with The Singing Lady followed by Uncle Don, Bobby Benson,
Jack Armstrong, Buck Rogers in the 25th Century, Orson Welles’ The Shadow,
And later, Jack Benny, Fred Allen and Bergan’s Charley McCarthy.
And all sorts of wonders from The Columbia Workshop such as Guy de Maupassant’s The Horla,
Which was so frightening I demanded a bright night light for weeks even though it was invisible.
Plus, of course, there was the Norman Corwin CBS delights to enliven our nights.
When there was a newspaper strike, Mayor LaGuardia read the comics on the radio for the kids.
Somehow, I missed that dramatic thunder where The Mercury Theater invaded New Jersey
With H.G.Wells’ octopods from Mars that over rode any fears of equally fictitious communist conquests.
I read, later, that some New Jerseyite had attacked a watertower, presuming it was Martian.

The poverty of those early days encouraged economic blossoming of second-hand establishments
That became second nature to us all. And when the bank foreclosed our Brooklyn house we absconded
To Manhattan, but before that departure in 1938, the family, plus the dog, Skippy,
Adventured to Florida in a second hand 1935 Cadillac convertible to celebrate our refugee status.
There was no money for hotels, so we slept in the car for the three-day trip and had a kerosine stove
Where my mother cooked our meals as we parked along the highway. We couldn’t afford new spare tires,
So we bought retreaded second-hand tires and we had blowouts each day to stop and change.

Finally, at Lantana north of Miami, a vital engine part failed, to hold us for almost a week until
A replacement for repairs arrived from Detroit, but this was no problem since the raw beauty of Florida
Was everywhere, a wild jungle with hordes of crabs, alligators, turtles and endless empty fabulous beaches.
Both my parents were watercolor artists, and every day was productive in new paintings of the sea and jungle.
Lantana was a mere few roadside houses, and every street was littered with thick outer shelled coconuts.
On the other side of the road was the service station for our car and the motel where we slept.
The beach was reached through the roadside jungle, across the Indian River, to the unending treasure.
Just above the tide line was an endless line of dried seaweed dried tubular sponges, shark eggs, sea beans,
Spectacular snail and colored mussel shells and, very occasionally, amongst the broken coral bits the shell of a paper nautilus.
My brother and I spent many hours rummaging through this treasure of infinite mystery.
The sea itself was warm and gentle to permit the rescue of bottles from its sandy bottom and beware
The Man O’ War jellyfish with their long stinging tentacles.

My parents had hoped to end the adventure in Key West, the terminal island of the island string
At the southern tip of Florida but the long drive through Key Largo determined them to turn back to New York.
But I will never forget that final turnaround point at the small bridge to the next island where we all left the car
To be astounded at the glorious brilliantly colored life of fish and living sponges and all sorts of exotic creatures
Tightly decorating that tiny, wonderful inlet, eighty-three years ago.

Manhattan was a search for some affordable worthwhile place to live and we were very lucky to end up
At 142 East 18 street in the oldest apartment house in New York City which had seven rooms and four working fireplaces.
The rent was about 70 dollars per month, and it was full of artists and writers.
My major experience as a kid then was the 1939-1940 New York World’s Fair where 1960 was the world of the future.
But nothing was said there about men on the Moon and computers were huge things,
Where IBM indicated 5 were enough for the entire world.
There was one rather huge idiot robot who clicked the fingers on one hand and counted up to five.
The biggest exhibition that was impressive was General Electric’s Steinmetz Hall.
Here bolts of man-made lightning scared the bejesus out of everybody.
General Motors had a very neat huge model of the road system of the future.
But the best part of those exhibits were that they were free.
Since we kids had little money, that was the most attractive feature.

* * * * * * * * * *

At the age of 18 I was inducted into The US Army Air Force in 1944 and hoped to qualify for flight training, The army had other ideas and I spent the bulk of my military time in training as a radar technician. After my discharge in 1946 New York and the country was in happy disarray at the war’s victory and the nation began its long climb into establishing its prime position of escape from the massive destructions of WWII and huge buildup of manufacturing and financial dominance as the result of the war effort. The end of the great depression’s deprivations permitted the middle class to benefit and take a substantial share of the new wealth. It took several decades for the wealthier sector to rid the country of the social advances gained by Roosevelt’s programs of labor advances under his New Deal but the fascinating qualities of the multicultural social relationships engendered by New York’s position as a port of entrance for immigration slowly surrendered to the immense power rise of the city as a major financial center. The long cultural democracy of my younger years of free entrance to the major cultural institutions such as the major museums and other cultural centers such as zoos and free concerts slowly vanished into the overwhelming powers of the wealthy and the totalities of the race for monetary wealth changed completely the face of the city that I had grown to love. The latter half of the 20th century erupted into the theater of immense political fears of potential wars so that lesser conflicts that resulted in the deaths of many millions of innocent victims has totally resulted into the general loss of the sense of the unity of humanity at the end of WWII into basically economic and financial conflicts that has left the planet of world hopes far behind and the old face of my New York has almost totally disappeared into a city captured by the small incredibly wealthy sector where the average family cannot even afford to rent an apartment adequate to their basic needs. My old wonderful 142 East 18 street was demolished in the 1950’s to be replaced by the standard huge anonymous apartment house and I live in a much more congenial place far, far away.

#eBook Navi Pillay: the architect of accountability by Thanos Kalamidas - Marja Heikkinen

 

Navanethem "Navi" Pillay stands as one of the most transformative figures in modern international jurisprudence and human rights. Over a career spanning more than five decades, the South African jurist has continuously dismantled barriers, reshaped global legal frameworks, and championed accountability for victims of grave abuses across the globe.

Pillay’s path toward becoming a globally recognized architect of justice began under South Africa’s apartheid regime. As the first non-white woman to establish a legal practice in Natal in 1967, she risked her livelihood to defend anti-apartheid activists, including political prisoners on Robben Island. This frontline experience with institutionalized injustice forged her unyielding commitment to the rule of law and equal rights.

Pillay's lifelong dedication to international law was recognized with the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize, honouring her exceptional leadership in ensuring that genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity are brought to trial. From co-founding equality organizations to serving as chair of UN commissions of inquiry, Navi Pillay has proven that lasting peace can only be built upon the unshakeable foundation of justice, accountability, and fundamental human rights.

Ovi eBook Publishing 2026

Navi Pillay: the architect of accountability

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Me My Mind & I #25: Dumbell Peace Prize #Cartoon by Patrick McWade

 

A different way to check internal and external ...thoughts!
'Me My Mind & I' is a cartoon series by Patrick McWade.
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Worming #139 #cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

A family of worms and all their worm friends worming in new adventures.

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The Limits of Liberal Nostalgia: A Critique of Serge Schmemann’s Future of America By Habib Siddiqui

Serge Schmemann’s recent New York Times essay (The Old World Order Is Over. This Is What Could Come Next, dated October 18, 2026) offers a sweeping but speculative analysis on America’s global role in the aftermath of the Trump era. He sketches three possible futures for the United States and the world. It is an ambitious piece, drawing on conversations with foreign-policy thinkers and invoking historical analogies to frame the stakes of the present moment. Yet for all its breadth, the article suffers from conceptual imprecision, selective historical memory, and an overreliance on familiar liberal narratives that obscure more than they illuminate. A critical reading reveals an argument that is rhetorically compelling but analytically uneven, and one that ultimately underestimates the structural forces reshaping global politics.

A Framing Built on Nostalgia

Schmemann begins with a stark assertion: America has changed, and Donald Trump is the face of that change. He describes Trump as a president who “demeaned allies and courted autocrats,” and who sought to accumulate powers beyond constitutional limits. This framing is not inaccurate — Trump’s tenure has been marked by norm-breaking and institutional strain — but Schmemann treats Trump as both symptom and cause without clearly distinguishing the two. The article implies that Trump’s rise represents a deviation from an otherwise stable liberal democratic trajectory. Yet the political, economic, and cultural conditions that enabled Trump — polarization, inequality, institutional decay, and distrust of elites — long predate him.

By anchoring his narrative in Trump’s personality, Schmemann inadvertently narrows the scope of his analysis. The question is not whether America can “return” to its role as a global beacon of democracy once Trump is gone. The deeper question is whether the post-1945 liberal order was ever as stable, inclusive, or universally admired as Schmemann suggests. His essay assumes a golden age of American leadership that can be restored through renewed commitment to democratic values. But this assumption glosses over decades of contested U.S. foreign policy — from Vietnam to Iraq, from covert interventions to support for authoritarian allies, and most deplorably, Washington’s unwavering backing of Israel even as leading human‑rights organizations and international legal bodies have accused it of committing atrocities amounting to genocide in Gaza — all of which complicate the notion of America as a consistently principled global actor.

I. The Problematic Ideal of the “Shining City on a Hill”

In the “America Makes a Comeback” scenario, Schmemann imagines a future in which a law-abiding, globally minded president restores America’s moral authority. Europe welcomes the United States back as a trusted ally, Russia stabilizes after Putin’s departure, China surpasses the U.S. economically but cooperates peacefully, and the United Nations is revitalized. This is the most optimistic of his three visions, and it reads like a liberal internationalist wish list.

The problem is not the aspiration but the plausibility. Schmemann’s scenario assumes that American leadership is both necessary and sufficient for global stability. Yet the world he describes — multipolar, technologically disruptive, economically fragmented — cannot be governed by a single hegemon, even a benevolent one. The rise of China, the resurgence of Russia, the assertiveness of middle powers, and the erosion of Western dominance are structural shifts, not temporary deviations. They cannot be reversed simply by electing a more conventional American president.

Moreover, Schmemann’s invocation of America’s “new birth of freedom” echoes Abraham Lincoln but overlooks the uneven and contested nature of American progress. The expansion of rights has always been driven by social movements, not by presidential leadership alone. To suggest that America can reclaim its global moral authority through executive virtue is to misunderstand the sources of democratic renewal.

II. The Muddling Middle: A More Realistic but Underdeveloped Scenario

Schmemann’s second scenario, “We Muddle Along,” is arguably the most realistic. It envisions a world in which the United States remains powerful but no longer admired, China grows more assertive, alliances weaken, and global governance stagnates. This is not a dramatic collapse but a slow erosion of influence.

Yet even here, Schmemann’s analysis is incomplete. He attributes America’s diminished standing primarily to domestic polarization and inconsistent foreign policy. While these factors matter, they are not the whole story. The decline of U.S. influence is also driven by:

  • Economic shifts: The diffusion of manufacturing, the rise of Asian markets, and the limits of dollar dominance.
  • Technological disruption: The emergence of digital ecosystems not controlled by Western institutions.
  • Demographic changes: Aging populations in the West and youthful, dynamic societies elsewhere.
  • Ideological pluralism: The spread of governance models that challenge liberal democracy’s universality.
  • Parallel multilateralism — The proliferation of non‑Western institutions such as BRICS+ and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which increasingly coordinate global norms and economic frameworks without U.S. participation.
  • Resource bottlenecks — Growing vulnerability in critical mineral supply chains, coupled with domestic fiscal constraints and mounting debt, which limit America’s ability to project power or sustain long‑term strategic commitments.
  • Alliance hedging — Traditional allies pursuing strategic autonomy, from Europe’s defense integration to Gulf states’ multi‑alignment strategies, leaving the United States facing multi‑theater over‑extension without guaranteed coalition support.
  • Asymmetric deterrence — The rapid proliferation of cyber capabilities, gray‑zone tactics, and low‑cost anti‑access/area‑denial (A2/AD) technologies that erode U.S. military dominance and empower smaller states and non‑state actors to challenge American influence at minimal cost.

Schmemann acknowledges some of these trends but treats them as background conditions rather than central drivers. His muddling scenario is persuasive, but it lacks analytical depth.

III. The Decline Scenario: A Familiar Dystopia

The third scenario, “Unchecked Decline,” is the darkest. Here, polarization paralyzes the United States, alliances collapse, China annexes Taiwan, AI runs amok, climate change wreaks havoc, and regional conflicts proliferate. This is a classic dystopian projection, and Schmemann uses it to warn against complacency.

Yet the scenario suffers from two weaknesses. First, it relies heavily on worst-case assumptions without explaining how they interact. For example, China’s annexation of Taiwan is presented as both a sign of American weakness and a trigger for global instability, but the geopolitical dynamics behind such an event are left unexplored. Second, Schmemann’s depiction of AI as a source of “rogue incursions and raids” feels more like science fiction than grounded analysis. The real risks of AI — algorithmic bias, surveillance, labor displacement — are serious but more mundane.

The decline scenario is rhetorically effective but analytically thin, relying on fear rather than structural reasoning.

IV. A Missing Fourth Scenario: A Post-American World

The most striking omission in Schmemann’s essay is the absence of a scenario in which the world adapts to a reduced American role without descending into chaos. He presents only three options: American restoration, muddling stagnation, or catastrophic decline. What he does not consider is a world in which regional powers, multilateral institutions, and transnational networks evolve new forms of governance that do not depend on U.S. leadership.

Such a scenario is not only plausible but already emerging. The European Union is developing autonomous defense capabilities. India and Brazil are asserting independent foreign policies. African nations are forming new regional blocs. Southeast Asia is navigating U.S.–China competition with strategic flexibility. These developments suggest a future in which global order is not defined by American primacy but by distributed leadership.

Schmemann’s failure to consider this possibility reflects a deeper bias: the assumption that America’s centrality is both inevitable and indispensable. This is not analysis; it is nostalgia.

Conclusion: A Thoughtful but Limited Vision

Serge Schmemann’s article is thoughtful, elegantly written, and grounded in genuine concern for the future of democracy. But its analytical framework is constrained by a longing for a liberal order that no longer exists. The world is not waiting for America to return to its former role. It is already moving on, reshaping itself through new alignments, new technologies, and new centers of power.

A more rigorous analysis would acknowledge that America’s future will be determined not only by its domestic politics but by structural global transformations that cannot be reversed by leadership alone. Schmemann’s scenarios are useful as provocations, but they fall short as predictions. The challenge is not to restore an old order but to understand — and shape — the new one.


Dr. Siddiqui is a peace and human rights activist who is author of several books including: Democracy, Politics and Terrorism - America's Quest for Security in the Age of Insecurity(2008)


The riot of broken promises by Emma Schneider

Across Europe, economic anger is becoming increasingly visible in the streets. Inflation, housing costs, energy bills and stagnant wages ha...