The convention of division by Harry S. Taylor

A political convention is supposed to be theatre with a purpose. There are flags, balloons, slogans, choreographed enthusiasm and enough red-white-and-blue symbolism to make the national anthem feel like a marketing campaign. But there is a point at which political theatre stops being merely theatrical. When a party convention becomes a demonstration of how deeply a country can be divided against itself, Americans should pay attention.

The Republican gathering in Dallas offered precisely that warning. The troubling part was not simply that Republicans disagreed with Democrats. American politics has always contained disagreement, sometimes spectacularly so. The problem is that disagreement increasingly appears to have become the organising principle. Politics is no longer about competing visions of the same country; it is becoming a struggle between incompatible ideas of what the country itself is supposed to be.

That is much more dangerous. The modern Republican coalition increasingly speaks in the language of cultural siege. America is portrayed not as a complicated democracy containing people with different histories and aspirations, but as a territory that has supposedly been stolen by enemies: immigrants, liberals, journalists, universities, bureaucrats, urban voters, minorities, judges, civil servants and anyone else who refuses to salute the latest ideological orthodoxy.

This is politically effective. Fear is an extraordinary organising tool. It gives voters a villain, a simplified explanation and the intoxicating promise that somebody can restore the country to an imagined moment when everything was supposedly simpler and better.

But a democracy cannot function indefinitely on political nostalgia and permanent grievance. The Dallas convention matters because conventions reveal what parties want their supporters to feel. And the feeling increasingly seems to be less about confidence in America than suspicion of fellow Americans.

That should worry Republicans as much as Democrats. A political movement that regards compromise as betrayal eventually discovers that governing is much harder than campaigning. Governing requires negotiating with people one dislikes, accepting institutional limits and recognising that an opponent can be wrong without being evil. Democracy depends upon precisely this distinction.

The danger is that once every disagreement becomes existential, every institution becomes an enemy. Courts become political obstacles. Journalists become traitors. Elections become legitimate only when one's side wins. Public servants become ideological enemies. Universities become factories of subversion. Congress becomes a battlefield rather than a legislature. Even members of one's own party can become targets if they fail to demonstrate sufficient loyalty.

At that point, politics begins to resemble tribal warfare conducted with constitutional vocabulary. America has survived extraordinarily bitter political periods before. It survived civil war, industrial unrest, racial conflict, economic depression, two world wars and Watergate. But survival was never guaranteed by American exceptionalism. It depended on institutions and, crucially, on people who were willing to accept limits.

That is the uncomfortable lesson today's Republicans and Democrats should remember. The Republican Party is not dangerous because it is conservative. Conservatism is a legitimate democratic tradition. It becomes dangerous when conservatism is replaced by permanent mobilisation against fellow citizens. Likewise, progressive politics becomes dangerous when disagreement is treated as moral contamination rather than democratic argument.

The real crisis is therefore larger than one convention or one party. America is becoming a country in which political identity increasingly determines who deserves trust, which facts deserve belief and even which neighbours are considered legitimate members of the national community.

That is how democracies become brittle. The frightening question is no longer whether Republicans can defeat Democrats, or Democrats can defeat Republicans. Elections will answer that, temporarily.

The deeper question is whether Americans still recognise that the people on the other side of the political divide are Americans too. If the answer eventually becomes no, the flags, the anthems and the grand speeches will mean very little. A republic can survive an ugly election. It cannot easily survive citizens deciding that their fellow citizens are the enemy.

The empty desk by Polly Hobbs

There is a particularly cowardly trick developing in modern corporate life, firing someone without actually firing them. No letter. No meeting. No “your position has been terminated”. Instead, the employee watches their job slowly disappear.

First, the important meetings stop. Then the interesting projects are reassigned. A responsibility that once gave the job purpose is suddenly handed to someone else. Invitations stop arriving. Decisions are made without consultation. The employee is given smaller tasks, routine administration and work nobody particularly wants. Perhaps a promotion mysteriously vanishes from the horizon. Perhaps training is “not a priority right now”. Eventually, the employee sits at a desk performing the professional equivalent of breathing into a paper bag.

The company has not fired them, of course. The company has merely made staying unbearable. This practice has acquired fashionable names such as “quiet firing” and “quiet cutting”, but there is nothing particularly modern about it. The terminology is new; the cowardice is ancient. The technique is remarkably simple: remove responsibility, recognition, opportunity and purpose until the employee concludes that leaving is preferable to remaining.

It is corporate warfare conducted with stationery. There is an obvious attraction for management. A formal dismissal requires a conversation. Conversations create questions. Questions create documentation. Documentation creates accountability. And accountability is terribly inconvenient when the objective is simply to make somebody disappear from the payroll without having to say so.

So instead of management making a decision, the employee is encouraged to make it for them. That distinction matters. If an employee is genuinely underperforming, then management should say so. Explain the problem. Set expectations. Offer support. Establish measurable objectives. If the employee still cannot perform, terminate the employment honestly and professionally.

That is what management is for. Stripping away somebody's meaningful responsibilities is not management. It is avoidance dressed up as organisational strategy. Worse, it can be psychologically brutal. Work is not merely a transaction between labour and salary. For many people, professional responsibility provides identity, competence and a sense that their experience matters. Take those things away and the message becomes unmistakable: you are no longer wanted, but we would prefer that you announce it yourself.

There is an especially ugly irony here. Companies spend fortunes talking about engagement, purpose, culture and employee wellbeing. They commission surveys, employ consultants and create glossy presentations explaining how every employee is “our greatest asset”. Yet the same organisation can quietly turn an experienced employee into office furniture and then congratulate itself when that employee resigns.

The corporate vocabulary is wonderfully inventive. “Restructuring.” “Realignment.” “Role optimisation.” “Business transformation.” Behind these magnificent phrases there can sometimes be a very simple reality: we would like you to leave, but we don't want to tell you.

And the consequences rarely stop with the targeted employee. Colleagues notice. They see who suddenly disappears from meetings and whose responsibilities migrate elsewhere. They understand that loyalty can be rewarded with invisibility. The lesson spreads: do not become too expensive, too independent, too inconvenient or perhaps simply too old-fashioned to fit the latest organisational fashion.

Trust begins to evaporate. The sensible alternative is almost offensively straightforward: tell people the truth. If their performance is inadequate, tell them. If their position is redundant, tell them. If the business has changed and their role no longer exists, tell them. Treat adults like adults.

A company brave enough to dismiss somebody honestly may lose an employee. A company that quietly dismantles somebody's career can lose something considerably more valuable: the belief among everyone else that management deserves their trust. There is nothing clever about making someone quit. It is simply firing with the courage removed.

Ma-Siri & Co #130 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

Ma-Siri is a mother, a grandmother and a very active social life,
searching for the meaning of life among other things and her glasses.

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The diplomacy of the deal by Markus Gibbons

There is a touch of a perfectly Trumpian feel about sending Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff to negotiate the end of a war, again; two men whose principal qualifications are proximity, confidence and deal-making instincts are dispatched to solve a problem that has defeated armies, diplomats and generations of statesmen.

Their recent journey from Moscow to Kyiv was presented as another attempt to revive a peace process that has repeatedly stalled. The meetings themselves are not the problem. Diplomacy requires talking to enemies, and somebody has to talk to Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelenskyy. The question is why these two men, again.

Witkoff and Kushner have already accumulated a peculiar record in the Middle East. Their negotiations over Iran produced optimism, confusion and ultimately failure, while their involvement in the Israel-Gaza diplomacy has raised uncomfortable questions about where private interests, family connections and public responsibilities begin and end. That matters because diplomacy is not real estate. A failed property negotiation can lose money; a failed geopolitical negotiation can lose cities, lives and countries.

The suspicion therefore does not have to be that Kushner or Witkoff are secretly selling peace for personal profit. That would require evidence. The more serious question is whether the structure surrounding them creates incentives that make such suspicions inevitable.

Witkoff is a businessman. Kushner is a businessman and the president's son-in-law. Their worlds are populated by investors, property developers, sovereign funds, Gulf billionaires and political leaders. In that environment, relationships are assets. Access is currency. A diplomatic meeting can be simultaneously a diplomatic meeting and a networking opportunity, even when nobody explicitly intends it to be.

That is precisely why modern democracies developed rules separating public office from private enrichment. The appearance of a conflict can be almost as damaging as the conflict itself, because diplomacy depends upon trust. When an envoy arrives in a capital, everyone at the table must believe that the envoy's only objective is the agreement in front of him.

Ukraine makes the problem even more acute. The eventual peace will involve reconstruction on a colossal scale, energy infrastructure, land, ports, minerals, finance and security guarantees. Whoever helps shape the settlement will inevitably stand near the greatest commercial opportunities of post-war Europe. That does not prove corruption. It proves that extraordinary safeguards are necessary.

And there is another problem: competence. Negotiating with Putin is not a television deal-closing exercise. Putin has spent years studying Western impatience, exploiting divisions and turning negotiations into instruments of strategy. He understands that Washington wants a headline called peace. Moscow wants a settlement that converts battlefield gains into permanent political leverage.

If American envoys repeatedly fail to deliver sustainable agreements yet remain indispensable, the obvious conclusion is not necessarily conspiracy. It may simply be that Trump values loyalty and personal chemistry over institutional expertise.

That is more worrying than a secret plot. A democracy can investigate corruption. It is harder to investigate incompetence when incompetence is celebrated as unconventional genius.

Kushner and Witkoff may yet help produce durable peace. If they do, they deserve credit. But peace should not require faith in personalities. It requires transparent interests, professional diplomacy and accountability.

The world has seen enough private deal-making dressed as public policy. Ukraine deserves something better than another handshake whose fine print nobody is allowed to read.

Democracy’s dangerous moment by Jennifer Stephenson

On September 15, the world will once again celebrate the International Day of Democracy. There will be speeches, flags, conferences and solemn declarations about freedom, participation and the sovereignty of the people. Politicians will congratulate themselves for believing in democracy, perhaps immediately before explaining why their opponents, journalists, judges or inconvenient voters are somehow the problem.

The irony is difficult to miss. Democracy has rarely looked more necessary and, in many places, more fragile. The great danger today is not always the traditional coup d’état, the military appearing on television or the dictator abolishing parliament overnight. Modern authoritarianism has become considerably more sophisticated. It often arrives wearing a suit, carrying a ballot paper and promising to restore order, greatness and common sense.

The authoritarian of the twenty-first century does not necessarily want to destroy elections. He wants to win them, then make sure that nobody can meaningfully defeat him. That distinction matters. Democracy is not simply the ritual of putting a piece of paper into a box every few years. It is the uncomfortable machinery surrounding that ballot: independent courts, free media, functioning parliaments, opposition parties, peaceful protest, transparent institutions and the right to tell the government that it is wrong without being treated as an enemy of the nation.

Remove those things and an election can become little more than political theatre. This is why the current democratic retreat should worry even those who are tired of politics. Authoritarianism feeds on political exhaustion. It thrives when citizens conclude that nothing changes, politicians are all corrupt, institutions are useless and perhaps the strongman deserves a chance to “clean things up”.

That is precisely when the strongman arrives with a broom. He promises simplicity in a complicated world. He offers enemies instead of explanations, slogans instead of solutions and nostalgia instead of a future. He tells angry citizens that their problems are caused by immigrants, minorities, intellectuals, journalists, judges, foreigners, Brussels, Washington, Moscow, Beijing or whoever happens to be convenient that afternoon.

And democracy, with its endless arguments and irritating compromises, suddenly looks terribly inefficient. But democracy was never designed to be efficient in the authoritarian sense. It was designed to prevent one person from becoming too efficient at acquiring power. That is its genius.

Democracy deliberately creates friction. Parliament argues. Courts interfere. Journalists investigate. Opposition parties complain. Citizens protest. Governments lose elections. Presidents discover that they cannot simply do whatever they want.

It can be maddening. It is also freedom. The authoritarian instinct is therefore remarkably predictable: attack the referee, discredit the journalist, intimidate the judge, demonise the opposition and convince citizens that institutional restraints are obstacles to the national will. Eventually, the machinery designed to protect democracy becomes portrayed as the enemy of democracy.

This is how democracies can die without a dramatic final scene. There is another uncomfortable truth. Democracies do not collapse only because authoritarians are ambitious. They collapse because ordinary people become indifferent. Freedom becomes something assumed rather than defended. The right to speak becomes background noise. Independent journalism becomes annoying. Political compromise becomes weakness. Facts become optional.

And suddenly the citizens discover that the institutions they regarded as permanent were merely temporary arrangements maintained by generations of people who cared enough to defend them. The International Day of Democracy should therefore be less a celebration than an annual warning. Democracy is not a monument. It is a habit.

It survives when citizens vote, question, organise, protest, read, argue and refuse to surrender their judgement to political messiahs. It survives when governments accept defeat and opponents accept victory. It survives when power understands that winning an election does not mean owning the country.

Most importantly, democracy survives when citizens understand that freedom is not guaranteed by the Constitution, the courts or parliament alone. It is guaranteed by people who refuse to let anybody take it away. That may be the most important lesson of Democracy Day in this increasingly authoritarian age: democracy does not need perfect citizens. It needs vigilant ones.

#eMagazine Ovi Dark - Issue #04 - The porcelain depths

 

Welcome to the fourth issue of Ovi Dark. This time, we descended into the alleyways where noir and the supernatural bleed into one another like ink into wet paper and we brought back stories.

Tales of detectives who solve murders committed by things that were never alive. Of femme fatales with reflections that move a half-second late. Of rainy nights when the only witness is a ghost who wants something in return for the truth. Of …Hell.

Why do these two genres fit together like a bullet in a chamber? Because both understand that the real horror isn't the monster. It's the knowledge that the world was never fair, never safe, never ours to begin with. Noir taught us that everyone's guilty of something. The supernatural simply asks: what if that something can never die?

Ovi Dark - Issue 4
Pulp Fiction Short Stories
September 2026
Ovi eMagazines Publications 2026

Ovi Dark - Issue #04

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Quoths #002 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

Caricaturist oddballs turn everyday life
into a hilarious masterclass of absurd logic, rapid-fire quips
and gloriously unhelpful advice.

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Ian Glim #016 #cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

A bewildered soul navigating global complexities armed
only with earnestness and a sharp, sarcastic wit.

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The Talarico catch by Howard Morton

There is definitely something comically about the Republican panic surrounding James Talarico. Here is a young Texas Democrat who talks about Christianity without treating it as a political weapon, about faith without turning it into a loyalty test and about government without pretending that every social problem can be solved by shouting “America” loudly enough. He is, inconveniently for the Republican establishment, exactly the sort of politician conservative America once claimed to want.

Talarico is a good Christian, a Texan, articulate, young and thoroughly comfortable discussing morality. He does not arrive wrapped in the cultural armour of the professional culture warrior. And that may be precisely why he is dangerous.

The modern Republican Party has become extraordinarily dependent on defining Christianity as a property of the political right. Its politicians routinely present themselves as defenders of faith while treating compassion, poverty, immigration, education, and the dignity of strangers as optional accessories. Talarico exposes the contradiction simply by asking what Christianity actually demands of those who claim to practise it.

That is an uncomfortable question in a movement increasingly addicted to political theatre. Donald Trump, meanwhile, has never seemed particularly interested in Christianity as a theological tradition. He is interested in Christianity as political architecture: a constituency, a symbol, a voting bloc, a vocabulary of belonging. Talarico represents something much more troublesome, a Christian who does not require Trumpism to validate his faith.

So the attacks begin. The accusations, distortions and increasingly elaborate attempts to portray Talarico as something sinister are not really about him. They are about controlling the boundaries of acceptable political Christianity. If a Democrat can speak about Jesus, morality and compassion while simultaneously challenging Republican orthodoxy, the monopoly becomes considerably harder to maintain.

This is why misinformation becomes useful. When an opponent cannot comfortably be defeated on the substance of his argument, the argument itself becomes the target. A young politician can be turned into a caricature, a sentence can be stripped of its context, a policy position can be transformed into an accusation about his character, and suddenly the public is debating an imaginary Talarico rather than the real one.

It is an old political trick, but Trump has industrialised it. There is also something deeply Texan about the irony. Texas politics has long cultivated the mythology of the independent individual: someone who speaks plainly, distrusts central authority and answers to conscience rather than fashion. Yet the Republican establishment increasingly expects precisely the opposite from its members, a remarkable discipline of obedience.

Talarico's greatest offence may therefore be that he refuses to behave according to the script. He is young enough to represent a generational change, Christian enough to challenge the Republican claim to religious ownership, Texan enough to puncture the stereotype that progressive politics is somehow alien to Texas, and rhetorically skilled enough to make the argument in public without apologising for it.

That combination is unsettling. Trump's political machine understands something important: ridicule is harmless only when nobody listens to the person being ridiculed. If the target is articulate, authentic and capable of attracting people outside the traditional partisan tribe, ridicule becomes defensive rather than dismissive. It tells the audience that the target has entered dangerous territory.

And perhaps that is the real Talarico problem. He does not need to become a Republican to understand Texas. He does not need to abandon Christianity to reject Trumpism. He does not need to shout louder than his opponents to make them nervous.

Sometimes the most threatening politician is simply the one who walks into a room carrying an inconvenient moral vocabulary and refuses to let the people who have monopolised it tell him he has no right to use it.

For Trump and his Republican allies, that is considerably more frightening than another Democrat screaming from the opposite side of the barricade. It is the possibility of a different Texas. And that is the one thing political machines fear most.

The billionaire’s far-right ATM by Jemma Norman

Amazingly, parties that spend their days denouncing global elites somehow become extraordinarily popular with global billionaires. Reform UK can rail against Westminster, Brussels, immigrants, woke institutions and the metropolitan establishment, while the cheques arrive from people whose wealth is so enormous that ordinary democracy begins to look like a quaint hobby practised by the middle classes.

Now comes another injection of questionable millions from the cryptocurrency universe, the latest reminder that the far right has discovered an extraordinarily convenient political principle: capitalism is dangerous when it belongs to foreigners, but wonderfully patriotic when it belongs to your donors.

The contradiction should be embarrassing. Instead, it has become the business model. Reform UK presents itself as the voice of the forgotten British citizen, the angry pensioner, the squeezed taxpayer, the person who believes the country has been stolen from them. Yet its political ecosystem increasingly resembles something rather different: an investment portfolio in which wealthy individuals place enormous sums on a particular version of Britain they hope will eventually reward their interests.

And hovering over this international carnival of billionaire political activism is Elon Musk, who has somehow transformed himself from technology entrepreneur into a roaming political weather system. He appears wherever the far right needs oxygen, money, publicity or a spectacularly wealthy man willing to shout into the microphone.

Musk's political interventions have developed their own peculiar grammar. He talks endlessly about freedom while boosting movements whose politics often depend upon making other people's lives less free. He presents himself as an enemy of establishment power while using his extraordinary personal influence to bend political conversations towards causes that happen to coincide remarkably well with his own ideological and commercial interests.

The remarkable thing is not that a billionaire has political opinions. Billionaires are allowed opinions, just as everyone else is. The problem begins when private wealth acquires the capacity to turn those opinions into political infrastructure.

Money does not merely buy advertisements. It buys attention. Attention becomes visibility. Visibility becomes legitimacy. Legitimacy becomes electoral momentum. And suddenly a political movement that might once have been dismissed as the angry corner of the internet is sitting in parliament, writing policy and presenting itself as the authentic national voice.

This is the strange new aristocracy of democratic politics: not hereditary dukes in velvet robes, but cryptocurrency billionaires, technology tycoons and platform owners carrying smartphones instead of swords.

The far right understands the arrangement perfectly. It offers billionaires something traditional parties increasingly struggle to provide: uncomplicated politics. No tedious conversations about inequality. No awkward questions about workers' rights. No philosophical wrestling with why concentrated wealth might itself be a problem. Instead, point towards migrants, minorities, bureaucrats, judges, environmentalists, universities or whatever other convenient enemy is available that morning.

The billionaire gets influence. The populist gets money. The voter gets another angry speech about taking the country back.

Everyone appears to win except democracy. There is, of course, nothing inherently suspicious about wealthy people donating to political parties. Democracy permits political participation, including generous political participation. But democracy becomes unhealthy when political influence begins resembling a luxury product available only to those wealthy enough to purchase it.

That is the deeper danger behind the latest millions. The question is not simply who gave the money, or how much. It is what kind of political system we are constructing when movements claiming to represent ordinary people increasingly depend upon extraordinary fortunes.

Perhaps the most revealing irony is that the far right constantly warns ordinary citizens that someone else is controlling their country. Sometimes that someone is an immigrant. Sometimes it is Brussels. Sometimes it is a university professor. And sometimes, apparently, it is a billionaire standing behind the cheque.

The politics of the covered face by Yash Irwin

The balaclava, that humble knitted garment once associated with bank robbers, burglars and exceptionally cold fishermen, has acquired a new political career. It is now apparently part of the national argument about protest.

There is a perfectly reasonable argument for restricting face coverings when they are being used to conceal identity while committing violence or intimidation. A democracy cannot seriously defend the right to demonstrate as a right to become anonymous while threatening everyone else. If someone throws a bottle at a police officer and then hides behind a mask, society has a legitimate interest in knowing who that person is.

But the difficulty begins when governments and police forces start treating anonymity itself as suspicious. The right to protest has never been merely the right to stand politely in a designated area holding a professionally printed placard while remaining perfectly identifiable to the state. Protest exists precisely because sometimes people are angry with the state. Historically, political dissent has often required anonymity, concealment and protection from retaliation. Whistle-blowers, dissidents, persecuted minorities and citizens living under hostile political conditions have not always had the luxury of showing their faces.

Britain, of all countries, should understand this distinction. It has spent centuries congratulating itself on its traditions of liberty while periodically discovering that liberty becomes inconvenient when somebody actually uses it.

The danger is not necessarily the Portsmouth restriction itself. The danger is the gradual normalisation of exceptional powers. Every new restriction arrives wrapped in reassuring language: public safety, intimidation, disorder, prevention. Nobody announces, “We are taking another small step towards a society in which protest is increasingly managed.” They announce that they are protecting everyone.

And sometimes they genuinely are. That is what makes the argument difficult. There is a difference between policing behaviour and policing appearance. Violence is behaviour. Threats are behaviour. Destruction is behaviour. Wearing a black balaclava is an appearance. The two may overlap, but they are not identical. A democracy becomes nervous when symbols start becoming evidence.

The British temptation is always to believe that if the police are given one more power, everything will become slightly more orderly. It rarely works quite like that. Powers created for the obviously dangerous have a habit of migrating towards the merely inconvenient. Today's violent extremist can become tomorrow's angry protester, and yesterday's troublesome protester can eventually become part of the political mainstream.

The face, meanwhile, remains stubbornly political. A face says: I am here, and I am prepared to be recognised. A mask says something different: I am here, but I am not prepared to give you that power over me.

Sometimes that second statement conceals a thug. Sometimes it conceals a frightened citizen. Sometimes it conceals somebody who simply does not trust the authorities. The sensible answer is therefore neither sentimental permissiveness nor authoritarian enthusiasm. Police should pursue violence aggressively, but restrictions on anonymity should be precise, temporary and demonstrably necessary. Otherwise the balaclava becomes less a security problem than a convenient metaphor.

A free society should be capable of looking beyond the face. It should also be careful about becoming so frightened of hidden faces that it forgets what democracy is supposed to protect underneath them.