The old poison in new bottles by Thanos Kalamidas

The violent far-right demonstrations that have periodically erupted in Northern Ireland and parts of England should be understood as more than isolated outbreaks of public disorder. They are symptoms of a deeper and more troubling political trend that has spread across Europe; the normalization of extremist nationalism under the convenient banner of opposition to immigration.

To be clear, immigration is a legitimate subject for democratic debate. Citizens have every right to question border policies, integration strategies, housing pressures, labour-market effects and the capacity of public services. Serious democracies must be able to discuss these issues openly without accusations of bigotry. Yet what is unfolding on the fringes of European politics has little to do with policy and much to do with resentment, scapegoating and the deliberate cultivation of social conflict.

The pattern is depressingly familiar. Economic frustrations, cultural anxieties and declining trust in institutions are channelled toward a vulnerable target. Migrants become the explanation for every social ill. Housing shortages become an immigration problem. Crime becomes an immigration problem. Pressure on schools, hospitals and welfare systems becomes an immigration problem. Complex challenges are reduced to a single enemy. Once that enemy is identified, outrage replaces analysis.

History offers uncomfortable parallels. The far right of contemporary Europe is not identical to the movements that emerged during the final years of the Weimar Republic. Historical comparisons should never be made casually. Yet there is a reason the comparison continues to surface. The political mechanics are strikingly similar. A narrative of national decline is constructed. Political elites are denounced as traitors. Minority groups are portrayed as threats to national survival. Public anger is transformed into a permanent state of mobilization.

The danger lies not merely in rhetoric but in the gradual legitimization of political violence. When crowds gather not to persuade but to intimidate, when opponents are portrayed as enemies rather than fellow citizens and when democratic compromise is treated as weakness, the foundations of liberal society begin to erode. Violence becomes easier to justify because it is framed as self-defence. Extremism acquires a veneer of patriotism.

Northern Ireland, with its painful history of sectarian conflict, should understand this danger better than most places. Communities that have experienced decades of violence know how quickly inflammatory language can become physical confrontation. England, too, has repeatedly demonstrated that social cohesion is fragile and cannot be taken for granted. Political leaders who flirt with extremist narratives for short-term electoral gain often discover that they have unleashed forces they can no longer control.

Across Europe, the far right increasingly presents itself as a defender of democracy while simultaneously undermining democratic norms. It claims to speak for “the people” while dismissing courts, journalists, academics and independent institutions whenever they challenge its narrative. This contradiction is not accidental. Authoritarian movements have long sought legitimacy through elections while attacking the very safeguards that make democratic systems resilient.

Europe should not ignore these warning signs. The continent’s twentieth century provides ample evidence of where politics based on grievance, exclusion, and national humiliation can lead. The lesson is not that every nationalist politician is a fascist or that every critic of immigration is an extremist. Such simplifications are as dangerous as those employed by the far right itself. The lesson is that societies must remain vigilant when political movements begin defining entire groups of people as the source of national decline.

The recent violence is therefore not merely a law-and-order issue. It is a test of democratic confidence. Europe must prove that legitimate concerns can be addressed through institutions, debate, and reform rather than through intimidation and street violence. If it fails, the continent risks discovering once again that history’s darkest chapters rarely return wearing the same uniform. More often, they arrive dressed in the language of patriotism and carrying old hatreds in new forms.


Juneteenth was never supposed to be comfortable by Cassandra Sparks

The holiday commemorates a moment that exposed a painful truth about American history, freedom delayed is freedom denied. More than two years after the Emancipation Proclamation, enslaved Black Americans in Texas finally learned they were free. Juneteenth is therefore not merely a celebration. It is a reminder of how institutions can resist justice long after the law appears settled.

That is why the political debates surrounding Juneteenth under Donald Trump and his administration deserve closer scrutiny. The issue is not whether officials openly oppose the holiday. Few do. Instead, the controversy lies in a pattern of explanations, qualifications, and restrictions that often seem designed to acknowledge Juneteenth while diminishing its broader meaning.

Supporters of the administration argue that concerns are exaggerated. They point out that Juneteenth became a federal holiday during Trump's first term and note that many government offices and agencies continue to recognize it. On paper, those facts matter. Yet symbolism in politics is rarely confined to official proclamations. Tone matters. Priorities matter. The language leaders use matters.

Over the years, discussions surrounding race, diversity programs, historical education, and public commemorations have increasingly become political battlegrounds. Within that environment, Juneteenth has sometimes been treated less as a national reflection and more as a cultural dispute. What should be a shared acknowledgment of a defining chapter in American history is instead filtered through partisan anxieties.

The result is a peculiar form of reluctance. Rather than directly challenging the holiday, critics often present a series of justifications. They argue that diversity initiatives connected to Juneteenth are unnecessary. They suggest that commemorations are divisive. They insist that discussions about systemic racism focus too heavily on the nation's flaws. Each argument arrives wrapped in the language of practicality, efficiency, or neutrality.

Yet neutrality can become a political choice of its own. When a government eagerly celebrates certain chapters of history while treating others with visible hesitation, citizens notice the difference. Americans are constantly told that patriotism means honoring the nation's achievements. That is true. But mature patriotism also requires confronting the moments when the country failed to live up to its ideals.

Juneteenth represents one of those moments. The holiday does not accuse modern Americans of historical crimes. It asks them to remember that liberty was unevenly distributed and fiercely resisted. That should not be a controversial observation. It is historical fact. Attempts to soften, narrow, or sidestep that reality risk transforming remembrance into ritual—a ceremony stripped of its purpose.

What makes the current debate particularly frustrating is that Juneteenth offers an opportunity for unity rather than division. Freedom is not a partisan value. It is an American value. The end of slavery should be one of the easiest events in national history to commemorate without hesitation or excuse.

Instead, the recurring disputes reveal a deeper discomfort about how the nation tells its story. Some leaders appear willing to celebrate freedom in the abstract while growing uneasy when asked to examine the struggle required to achieve it.

Juneteenth deserves better than that. A holiday born from delayed freedom should not be met with delayed enthusiasm. The lesson of Juneteenth is that justice arrives late when people spend too much time explaining why it must wait. America has heard those explanations before.


Die Versions #Poem by Jan Sand

 

To flourish in deceit, I must repeat,
Has always struck humanity
As rather neat, a romance with the magical
Where the various visions of the presdidgious
Became both necessary and somewhat religious.

The sticks and bricks, the blood and bones, the grins and moans
The dreams and screams we use to create our means
Require what inspires us to form from ice and fire
With delight and ire whatever we might believe to fabricate,
Domesticate the dragons so eager to determine our final fate.

There is no absolute to sing our ultimate unique song,
No twists and tangles of this or thats we might accept as truth
Since truth is mere mirage of duck and dodge to remain.
A subterfuge of lovely tries to formulate a tool of lies that works
For an interim, a style that functions in satisfaction for a while.

Currently, it appears, our devious perversions are corroded,
Punctured into flakey idiotics administered by psychotics
To crack and crumble, back into the dust from which they formed.
Our gestures to the stars are decaying into eagerness for self-destruction
With Ozymandias clearly muttering on our future now sputtering.

The list nobody should top by Marissa Washington

Every year, the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict arrives with the uncomfortable truth that conflict-related sexual violence has become one of the most predictable features of modern warfare. It appears across continents, ideologies, religions, and political systems. It survives peace negotiations, outlasts ceasefires, and lingers long after the cameras have moved on. The weapon changes shape depending on the conflict, but its purpose remains remarkably consistent, terrorize civilians, humiliate communities, fracture families and demonstrate power.

That is why the annual publication of United Nations findings can feel less like a report and more like a recurring indictment of humanity itself. The countries and armed groups identified change in number and circumstance, but certain names repeatedly surface. Israel. Russia. Sudan. Others follow close behind. Different conflicts, different histories, different political narratives, yet the same devastating accusation emerges. Sexual violence is being used, tolerated or insufficiently prevented amid war.

Predictably, governments object when they appear on such lists. They dispute methodology. They challenge evidence. They accuse investigators of bias. Supporters rush to defend their side while critics weaponize the findings against their opponents. The conversation quickly becomes geopolitical. It becomes a debate over legitimacy, alliances, and diplomatic grievances.

What too often disappears are the victims. For survivors, these reports are not political documents. They are acknowledgments that what happened was real. In many conflict zones, victims carry their experiences in silence for years, sometimes decades. Communities may reject them. Authorities may ignore them. Courts may never hear their cases. A place on a U.N. list does not deliver justice, but it does create a record that cannot easily be erased.

There is also an uncomfortable hypocrisy surrounding the issue. Nations that rightly condemn sexual violence abroad are often reluctant to scrutinize allies accused of similar abuses. Outrage can become selective. Principles become flexible. Human rights, which should function as universal standards, are too often treated like diplomatic accessories, worn proudly when convenient and quietly stored away when politically awkward.

The result is a hierarchy of suffering that should not exist. Sexual violence in conflict is not more tragic when committed by an enemy, nor less tragic when committed by a partner. A victim does not experience trauma according to geopolitical alignments. The violation is the violation.

The persistence of these crimes also reveals a broader failure of deterrence. Military commanders, political leaders, and armed groups have heard decades of condemnation. They know the language of international law. They know the treaties. They know the resolutions. Yet the abuses continue. That reality suggests that moral outrage, while necessary, is not sufficient.

The International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict should therefore be more than a symbolic entry on the global calendar. It should be a reminder that accountability cannot depend on flags, alliances, or narratives. If the world is serious about ending these crimes, every allegation must be investigated with equal rigor, and every victim must be afforded equal dignity.

The most damning fact is not that certain countries appear on a list. It is that, year after year, the list remains necessary at all.


Ephemera #155 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

Ephemera: a word with ancient Greek roots meaning:
‘something that is produced or created that
is never meant to last or be remembered’.

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The Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict: Greater Awareness Building Needed by Rene Wadlow

The United Nations (UN) General Assembly has proclaimed June 19 of each year to be the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict in order to raise awareness of the need to put an end to conflict-related sexual violence and to honor the victims and the survivors of sexual violence around the world. The date was chosen to commemorate the adoption on June 19, 2008 of Security Council Resolution 1820 in which the Council condemned sexual violence as a tactic of war and as an impediment to peacebuilding.

For the UN, “conflict-related sexual violence” refers to rape, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, forced abortion, and any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity perpetrated against women, men, girls, and boys, linked to a conflict. The term also encompasses trafficking in persons when committed in situations of conflict for purposes of sexual violence or exploitation.

There has been a slow growth of awareness-building trying to push UN Agencies to provide non-discriminatory and comprehensive health services including sexual and reproductive health services taking into account the special needs of persons with disabilities. A big step forward was the creation of the UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict. The post is currently held since April 2017 by Under-Secretary-General Pramila Patten. She recently said “We see it too often in all corners of the globe from Ukraine to Tigray in northern Ethiopia to Syria and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Every new wave of warfare brings with it a rising tide of human tragedy including new waves of war’s oldest, most silenced and least-condemned crime.”

The Association of World Citizens (AWC) first raised the issue in the UN Commission on Human Rights in March 2001 citing the judgement of the International Court for Former Yugoslavia which maintained that there can be no time limitations on bringing the accused to trial. The tribunal also reinforced the possibility of universal jurisdiction that a person can be tried not only by his national court but by any court claiming universal jurisdiction and where the accused is present.

The AWC again stressed the use of rape as a weapon of war in the Special Session of the Commission on Human Rights on the Democratic Republic of Congo, citing the findings of Meredeth Turslen and Clotilde Twagiramariya in their book What Women Do in Wartime: Gender and Conflict in Africa (London: Zed Press, 1998), “There are numerous types of rape. Rape is committed to boast the soldiers’ morale, to feed soldiers’ hatred of the enemy, their sense of superiority, and to keep them fighting: rape is one kind of war booty; women are raped because war intensifies men’s sense of entitlement, superiority, avidity, and social license to rape: rape is a weapon of war used to spread political terror; rape can destabilize a society and break its resistance; rape is a form of torture; gang rapes in public terrorize and silence women because they keep the civilian population functioning and are essential to its social and physical continuity; rape is used in ethnic cleansing; it is designed to drive women from their homes or destroy their possibility of reproduction within or “for” their community; genocidal rape treats women as “reproductive vessels”; to make them bear babies of the rapists’ nationality, ethnicity, race or religion, and genocidal rape aggravates women’s terror and future stigma, producing a class of outcast mothers and children – this is rape committed with consciousness of how unacceptable a raped woman is to the patriarchal community and to herself. This list combines individual and group motives with obedience to military command; in doing so, it gives a political context to violence against women, and it is this political context that needs to be incorporated in the social response to rape.”

The prohibition of sexual violence in times of conflict is now part of international humanitarian law. However, there are two major weaknesses in the effectiveness of international humanitarian law. The first is that many people do not know that it exists and that they are bound by its norms. Thus, there is a role for greater promotional activities through education and training to create a climate conducive to the observance of internationally recognized norms. The second weakness is enforcement. We are still at the awareness-building stage. Strong awareness-building is needed.

************************************

Rene Wadlow, President, Association of World Citizens


A baby at a checkpoint and the world’s shrug by Maddalena Conti

The funeral of a Palestinian baby killed by Israeli gunfire in the occupied West Bank should have been one of those moments that forced a reckoning. Instead, it risks becoming another entry in an endless ledger of deaths that briefly flicker across headlines before vanishing beneath the next news cycle.

According to the Israeli military itself, the family were “uninvolved civilians.” The military expressed “deep sorrow” and opened an investigation. Such statements have become painfully familiar. They arrive after the shots have already been fired, after the funeral prayers have already been spoken and after another family has entered a grief from which there is no return.

The facts are devastatingly simple. A baby is dead. The child was sitting in a vehicle with family members. A soldier perceived a threat and fired. The father insists the vehicle had stopped. Whatever sequence of events investigators ultimately establish, one fact cannot be investigated away: a child who posed no threat was killed.

What follows these incidents is often just as revealing as the incident itself. Public attention shifts almost immediately to procedures, military protocols, rules of engagement and competing narratives. The victim slowly disappears from the conversation. The dead become secondary to the debate surrounding their deaths.

This is one of the most troubling features of the conflict. The human being at the center of the story is gradually replaced by political arguments. A baby becomes a talking point. A funeral becomes a controversy. Mourning becomes a battleground.

The broader international response is equally difficult to ignore. Governments continue supplying weapons, ammunition and diplomatic support while expressing concern about civilian casualties. Officials issue carefully crafted statements lamenting the loss of innocent life while approving policies that ensure more weapons continue to flow into the conflict.

There is a contradiction at the heart of this posture that grows harder to defend with every civilian death. If governments genuinely believe the protection of civilians is paramount, then expressions of sorrow cannot be the only response when civilians repeatedly die. At some point, concern without consequences begins to resemble indifference.

Meanwhile, much of the media struggles with a similar problem. Individual tragedies are often treated as isolated incidents rather than symptoms of a larger reality. The result is a form of normalization. Deaths that would dominate front pages in other contexts become routine. The extraordinary becomes ordinary.

The greatest danger is not outrage. It is habituation. When the death of a child can be absorbed into the daily rhythm of conflict reporting, something profound has been lost. Not merely political urgency, but moral clarity. People stop seeing individuals and start seeing statistics. They stop asking how such events continue to happen and begin assuming they simply will.

The funeral of this baby should not disappear into that fog of resignation. It should remain uncomfortable. It should provoke questions that cannot be answered by press releases or investigations alone. How many more apologies will follow how many more funerals? How many expressions of regret will be issued before meaningful accountability emerges? How many innocent deaths must occur before the world decides that sorrow is not enough?

A baby is dead. That fact should be impossible to normalize. Yet the most damning indictment of all may be how quickly so many are prepared to move on.


Ovi History #eMagazine #20: St Joseph Mutiny

 

The St Joseph Mutiny occurred in June 1837 within the 1st West India Regiment of the British Army. The uprising began at the unit's barracks in St Joseph, Trinidad, which was then part of the British West Indies.

The mutiny was led by recently arrived Africans who had been rescued from illegal slave ships by the Royal Navy and subsequently conscripted into the West India Regiments. Between 60 and 100 soldiers participated, seizing arms and ammunition, killing an enlisted soldier, and setting fire to the officers' quarters.

The British Army and the Trinidad Militia quickly suppressed the uprising, killing twelve mutineers, while six others committed suicide to avoid capture. Three ringleaders were subsequently executed, and two more were sentenced to death, though their sentences were later commuted to penal transportation to Australia.

One of the mutiny's leaders, Daaga, became a folk hero in Trinidad and later served as an inspiration for the leaders of the Black Power Revolution in the 1970s.

For this issue of Ovi History, a historical fiction short story from Lucas Durand and a new column with reviews, starting with a book review.

So, turn the pages and ...take cover.

Read the Ovi History eMagazine online HERE!
View, read it online or download it in PDF/epub format HERE!
And enjoy viewing & reading it online or download in PDF format HERE!
All eMagazines and eBooks downloads are FREE!

You can find it in the Ovi Pedia pages, HERE!
Or Ovi Thematic eMagazines pages, HERE!

With the hope that you will read and learn from the articles,
so ...do read this historic chronicle

Thanos Kalamidas


The moderation mirage by Marja Heikkinen

For years Europe’s political center has clung to a comforting theory that inviting far-right parties into government, burden them with responsibility, expose them to the compromises of power and eventually they would mellow. Governing, after all, has a way of transforming slogans into spreadsheets and outrage into administration. Reality, however, has been far less accommodating.

One after another, Europe’s far-right movements have demonstrated that participation in government does not necessarily moderate their instincts. Instead, many have become more skilled at presenting old ideas in newer packaging. The rhetoric may become smoother, the suits more expensive, the media training more polished but the underlying politics often remain remarkably familiar, suspicion of outsiders, hostility toward immigration, resentment toward supranational institutions and a persistent narrative that the nation is under siege from enemies both foreign and domestic.

The latest example is Jordan Bardella, the youthful and media-savvy face of France’s National Rally. To many observers, Bardella represents a generational shift. He speaks the language of modern politics fluently. He appears composed on television. He lacks the rough edges that once made the French far right politically untouchable. Yet the assumption that a younger messenger automatically delivers a different message has always been more wishful thinking than serious analysis.

European centrists have repeatedly mistaken style for substance. They have confused strategic rebranding with ideological evolution. A party does not cease to be nationalist because it adopts the vocabulary of democracy. It does not become less populist because its leaders learn to smile during interviews. Political movements understand that electoral success often requires cosmetic adaptation. What they rarely surrender are the core convictions that brought them prominence in the first place.

The pattern is visible across the continent. Mainstream parties have often justified cooperation with the far right by arguing that proximity to power would force realism. Instead, the opposite frequently occurs. Far-right parties gain legitimacy without abandoning their defining narratives. Their participation in government allows them to claim establishment credibility while continuing to cultivate anti-establishment grievances. It is a remarkably effective political arrangement.

The deeper problem is that many centrist leaders seem unable to accept what these movements are actually telling them. When far-right politicians speak repeatedly about cultural threats, demographic anxieties, national preference, or the alleged failures of multiculturalism, mainstream observers often search for hidden moderation beneath the surface. They assume there must be a future destination beyond the rhetoric. Yet perhaps the rhetoric is the destination.

This does not mean every voter who supports such parties is driven by prejudice. Europe’s political and economic frustrations are real. Concerns about integration, security, social cohesion, and economic uncertainty deserve serious discussion. But acknowledging those concerns is not the same thing as pretending that parties built on exclusionary narratives have somehow transcended them merely because they have become more electorally successful.

The moderation thesis survives because it is comforting. It allows centrist politicians to believe that democratic participation automatically tames political extremism. Europe’s recent experience suggests otherwise. Responsibility does not always soften radical movements. Sometimes it simply teaches them how to operate more effectively.

The lesson is increasingly difficult to ignore. The far right has changed its presentation. What it has not necessarily changed is itself.


Me My Mind & I #15: Peace Brokered #Cartoon by Patrick McWade

 

A different way to check internal and external ...thoughts!
'Me My Mind & I' is a cartoon series by Patrick McWade.
For more 'Me My Mind & I' HERE!
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Worming #131 #cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

A family of worms and all their worm friends worming in new adventures.

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The old poison in new bottles by Thanos Kalamidas

The violent far-right demonstrations that have periodically erupted in Northern Ireland and parts of England should be understood as more t...