The blame machine by Sabine Fischer

The most dangerous sentence in the age of autonomous warfare may be: the machine made a mistake. It sounds innocent enough. A software anomaly. A corrupted data stream. A sensor misclassification. An unforeseen interaction between algorithms. The drone was not ordered to kill civilians; it simply interpreted the world incorrectly and acted upon that interpretation.

But war crimes do not become less terrible because the trigger was digital. The arrival of fully autonomous weapons threatens to create something more troubling than a new class of battlefield technology. It threatens to fracture the moral architecture of jus in bello, the rules governing how war may be fought by separating the act of killing from the human being who consciously performs it.

A soldier who deliberately fires on civilians can be held responsible. A commander who orders an unlawful attack can be prosecuted. A state can be held internationally responsible for the conduct of its armed forces. But what happens when a drone, operating independently, identifies a civilian vehicle as a military target because an unpredictable data anomaly causes its targeting system to malfunction?

The machine cannot stand trial. It cannot express remorse. It cannot understand a charge. It cannot be imprisoned. And, crucially, it cannot be morally guilty. That leaves the humans who created, purchased, programmed, approved, deployed and supervised it.

The temptation will be to search for one guilty individual: the programmer who wrote the defective code, the commander who authorised deployment, or the operator who pressed the activation button. But that may be precisely the wrong way to think about autonomous warfare.

Responsibility should not disappear into the circuitry. It should travel backward through the entire chain of decisions. If a military knows that a weapon can behave unpredictably and deploys it anyway, the anomaly is not an excuse. It may be evidence of negligence. If commanders knowingly use a system whose reliability is inadequate for distinguishing civilians from combatants, responsibility cannot simply evaporate when the algorithm behaves unexpectedly.

There is, however, an uncomfortable distinction between responsibility and culpability. A state may bear responsibility for an unlawful attack without every individual involved being personally guilty of a war crime. Criminal law normally requires a particular mental element. That is where autonomous weapons create their most disturbing legal fog.

And this is precisely why the technology should not be allowed to outrun accountability. The fashionable argument is that machines could eventually make warfare more precise than humans. Perhaps. Humans are spectacularly capable of making mistakes, particularly under fear, exhaustion, anger and confusion. A sufficiently sophisticated machine might one day distinguish targets better than a frightened soldier.

But accuracy is not the same thing as morality. A machine can calculate probability. It cannot understand the meaning of a child standing beside a supposed target. It cannot comprehend surrender, mercy or dignity. And if its designers cannot reliably explain why it reached a lethal conclusion, handing it authority over life and death is not technological sophistication. It is moral outsourcing.

The answer, therefore, should be brutally simple: no autonomous weapon should be deployed in circumstances where its behaviour is sufficiently unpredictable that responsibility for an unlawful attack cannot be meaningfully assigned beforehand.

If nobody can credibly say who answers for the machine, the machine should not be authorised to kill. Otherwise, the battlefield acquires the perfect criminal: a weapon without a conscience, a crime without a willing perpetrator and a chain of command conveniently pointing at the computer. That is not the future of warfare we should fear most. It is the future in which everyone responsible insists that nobody was.


The illiteracy of power by Melina Barnett

International Literacy Day comes nowadays the uncomfortable question, what happens when governments begin travelling in the opposite direction?

The irony of our age is extraordinary. UNESCO describes literacy as a fundamental human right, yet hundreds of millions of adults still lack basic literacy skills, while millions of children remain outside school. In 2026, as International Literacy Day marks its 60th anniversary, the world is still arguing about something that should have been settled generations ago: whether every child deserves an education.

And increasingly, the argument is not simply about poverty or war. It is also about politics. In the United States, the world's self-appointed champion of freedom, public education has increasingly become a battlefield. Schools are dragged into ideological wars over history, books, race, gender, religion, science and what children should be permitted to know. Education is treated less as a public good than as territory to be conquered.

This is not merely an American problem. Across wealthy democracies, public education is being squeezed by austerity, privatisation, political interference and the growing conviction that anything publicly funded must somehow justify its existence to people who would rather sell it.

There is something profoundly absurd about this. A government can spend billions on weapons, subsidies, infrastructure and tax arrangements, but somehow a properly funded school becomes an extravagance. A library is described as a burden. A teacher's salary becomes a political argument. A child's access to a decent education becomes dependent upon the postcode into which that child happened to be born.

We should call this what it is: the privatisation of opportunity. Education was never simply about producing workers who could read instructions. It was about producing citizens capable of questioning them. That distinction matters enormously.

An authoritarian government does not particularly fear an educated population because educated people know Shakespeare, algebra or chemistry. It fears them because educated people are harder to deceive. They ask inconvenient questions. They compare promises with results. They recognise propaganda. They understand history sufficiently to notice when politicians begin recycling its darkest chapters.

Literacy, therefore, is political power. That is why the modern assault on education should concern everybody, including those who never intend to enter a classroom again. When schools are weakened, democracy itself becomes weaker. When reading declines, manipulation becomes easier. When critical thinking is treated as ideological contamination, nonsense acquires political value.

And now literacy means more than reading a printed sentence. In a digital world, people must also be able to navigate algorithms, misinformation, artificial intelligence, manipulated images and oceans of deliberately manufactured nonsense. UNESCO itself increasingly frames literacy as involving the ability to access, understand, evaluate and create information responsibly.

The irony is almost unbearable: humanity has created more information than any previous civilisation, while some politicians appear determined to create citizens less capable of understanding it.

International Literacy Day should therefore not be another ceremonial occasion for politicians to photograph themselves beside children holding books. It should be an accusation. If education is a right, fund it. If literacy is essential to democracy, protect it.

If children are the future, stop treating their schools as convenient places to conduct today's culture wars. A society that deliberately makes education harder to access should not be surprised when ignorance becomes easier to govern. The greatest danger is not that people cannot read. It is that those in power discover how useful that can be.


Polygraph loyalty by Timothy Davies

The Pentagon has reportedly subjected roughly 50 members of the Joint Staff to polygraph examinations as investigators search for the source of disclosures about U.S. weapons stockpiles. The immediate concern is understandable: classified information about the availability of sophisticated weapons can be extraordinarily sensitive during a war. But the political and institutional implications of this extraordinary hunt are rather more troubling.

A military needs secrecy. It does not, however, need paranoia. The distinction matters. The Trump administration has every right to investigate whether classified information has been illegally disclosed, particularly if an actual foreign intelligence operation is suspected. But there is a dangerous temptation in Washington to treat embarrassing information as inherently equivalent to dangerous information. Those are not the same thing.

If the United States has fewer missiles, interceptors or other sophisticated munitions available than the public has been led to believe, the uncomfortable fact is not necessarily the leak. The uncomfortable fact is the shortage.

And no polygraph can manufacture another Patriot interceptor. That is the peculiar absurdity surrounding this affair. The administration appears intensely interested in discovering who told journalists about the condition of the arsenal, while the more consequential question is why America's supposedly unparalleled military power can be placed under such strain in the first place.

Reports that American stockpiles are being depleted have emerged amid the continuing conflict with Iran, while senior defense officials have been wrestling with the challenge of replenishing weapons faster than they are being consumed. The administration has simultaneously insisted that America's military remains overwhelmingly powerful.

Both things can technically be true. America can possess the world's most formidable military and still have dangerously constrained inventories of particular weapons. That is precisely why the public conversation should not be reduced to a hunt for traitors.

The polygraph itself is an especially theatrical instrument for such a political moment. It creates the impression of scientific certainty in an environment where certainty is desperately difficult. A machine produces a result; officials produce stern statements; everyone feels that something has been done.

But the real objective should be to discover how information moved, whether classified laws were violated, whether hostile intelligence services were involved, and whether security procedures failed. It should not become an institutional ritual designed principally to frighten people into silence.

The Pentagon has already been moving toward a much broader crackdown on leaks, including proposals for expanded nondisclosure agreements and random polygraph testing. Critics have warned that such measures risk becoming instruments of intimidation rather than narrowly targeted security safeguards.

That distinction is crucial. A healthy military should be disciplined, secretive where necessary and absolutely ruthless about protecting genuine national-security secrets. But it should also be confident enough to tolerate professional disagreement, internal warnings and uncomfortable assessments. Generals should not have to wonder whether expressing concern about ammunition supplies might eventually put them under suspicion.

And journalists should not be expected to confuse government secrecy with government infallibility. The greatest danger here may therefore not be the leak itself. It may be the mentality produced by the search for it: the belief that the solution to every inconvenient truth is to find the person who revealed it.

Governments that become obsessed with hunting the messenger eventually discover an inconvenient historical truth. The messenger is rarely the biggest problem.


Ephemera #160 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

Ephemera: a word with ancient Greek roots meaning:
‘something that is produced or created that
is never meant to last or be remembered’.

For more Ephemera, HERE!
For more Ovi Cartoons, HERE!


Egoistic Leaders Divide Us But We are One Humanity on Earth by Mahboob A. Khawaja, PhD

Truth is one but reason needs challenging enemies .Most feared and hated so-called elected leaders fast become ruthless purgers of basic human values and aspiration for global peace, human unity and sustainable future-making. It is a collective responsibility to understand as moral beings to think of One Humanity for the good of all on this planet. Warmongers and proponents of crimes against humanity and genocide cannot be legitimate leaders of global communities aspiring for peace and law and order. You have too many imposters across the globe violating basic human norms, civilized laws of governance, sanctity of life, moral and spiritual values, global unity for peace and conflict resolution. We could oppose them with reason and  unity but lack force and material strength to stop them from committing crimes and wars against us- One Humanity.

Did you not feel a tormenting pinch when watched the glacier flashing in Himalayas-Nepal and Tibet killing and displacing thousands of fellow human beings? Likewise, earthquakes in Venezuela and Colombia and volcanic eruptions in Indonesia deserve our immediate sympathy and help. No matter what warmongers perceive, we remain one humanity to enjoin strong passions of human bonds, unity, glory and peace.

Ignorant and Egoistic Leaders Bomb the Earth to Destroy our Unity

We are human beings born of physical and spiritual components and LIFE continues on this planet (Earth) floating by the Will of God – certainly not by any man-made legislative procedures. The planet Earth embodies all the necessities to maintain and support life (all kinds of life-known and unknown), and human beings are the chief creation of God enriched with wisdom and ordained with a choice to be or not to be, a moral being different from other beings-animals, given the NATURAL TRUST to live in harmony within the compound of natural settings.

DO YOU SEE THE EARTH FLOATING IN THIS PICTURE WITHOUT ANY PILLARS? IT IS MEANT FOR YOU – THE HUMAN BEING - Day changes into night (otherwise, life will cease to exist), sun and moon in your service, oxygen and climate changes, water to drink, seas to travel, mountains, oil, gases, it has all the minerals needed in all the times, in case you forgot, it has uranium to make weapons (bombs dropped on fellow human beings, recall Hiroshima and Nagasaki too), and now Gaza and Ukraine in daily reports, the originality of human origin is the same as it has been all the times as we know it, and indeed, We, the People are accountable to God - The Creator of Heavens and Earth (whether you believe in Him or not), time will continue to move forward. Those dropping bombs on earth are not NORMAL beings, they have no microscope to read their minds – human beings acting like wild animals as if others are not EQUAL STATUS HUMAN BEINGS and something else.

(Thanks to NASA- American astronaut on on Moon in view of the spacious Earth)

Frankly, while working in the Arab world, I have walked through the extended ancient grave sites of people of AAD (some 4,000 years earlier) claiming to be more powerful than anything on this earth. Please see their pictures of dead bodies - some 12- 14 feet tall and powerful in their time span, now just dry bones, they committed massacres/ bloodbath and ended-up by natural causes of storms, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and sound blast – nobody cries for them because they victimized mankind by wars and violence and disobeyed the commands of God who created them with a moral responsibility.

These are some of the narratives explained and shared in this book

(https://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/global-humanity-and-remaking-of-peace-security-and-conflict-resolution-for-the-21st-century-and-beyond-mahboob-a-khawaja/1147150197?ean=9798317619374),without any claims or rewards but surely truthful and rational statements based on facts of life not fictions to impress anybody on this planet, so We, the People could THINK intelligently and if needed to make a navigational change when facts of life warrant a change to be normal and responsible human beings living in complete accord within the Universe and fellow human beings for our unity as people for a sustainable future. The Divine Message (The Quran:40:64), clarifies: It is God Who made for you the Earth as a resting place and the sky as a canopy; And has given you shape and made your shapes beautiful, And has provided for your Sustenance, of things pure and good; Such is God your Lord. So Glory to God, The Lord of the Worlds.

Our Moral and Intellectual Unity is Our Strength

Truth and reason profess that knowledge and learning from history lead to conscientious rethinking and intelligent choices for mankind. Life and time blend the character of rational choices and accountability. From Pharaoh to contemporary leaders- are they accountable to the consequences of their own wrong thinking, crimes against humanity and genocide?  Would you call George W. Bush, Tony Blair, Netanyahu and Trump as leaders of moral consciousness and integrity? A decade earlier, in one of the articles, I made the following comments: The mankind continues to be victimized by the cancerous ego and cruelty of the few global warlords. Animals do not commit massacre of their kind and species, nor set-up rape camps for the war victims, the Western led wars against the humanity have and continue to do so at an unparalleled  global scale without being challenged by any global organizations or leaders. Torture and massacres of innocent civilians are convenient fun games to be defined as “collateral damage” and a statistic. Perhaps, they view humanity just in digits and numbers, not as the living entities with social, moral, spiritual and intellectual values and progressive agendas for change and development. Every beginning has its end. It is just that most powerful nations have failed to learn from the living history- a slap to EH Carr’s precious thoughts of human history. (Mahboob A. Khawaja, “Global Peace and Conflict Management:   Man in Search of New Thinking.” The Peoples Voice. Org, USA: 03/19/2012).

Eric Bogle wrote “The Green Fields of France”, and it was sung by Fureys:

Did you really believe, when they told you the cause,
Did you really believe that this war would end wars?
Well, the suffering, the sorrow, the glory, the shame,
The killing and dying it was all done in vain
Oh Willy McBride it all happened again -
And again, and again, and again, and again.”


Dr. Mahboob A. Khawaja specializes in international affairs-global security, peace and conflict resolution and has spent several academic years across the Russian-Ukrainian and Central Asian regions knowing the people, diverse cultures of thinking and political governance and a keen interest in Islamic-Western comparative cultures and civilizations, and author of several publications including: Global Humanity and Remaking of Peace, Security and Conflict Resolution for the 21st Century and Beyond, Barnes and Noble Press, USA, 2025 https://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/global-humanity-and-remaking-of-peace-security-and-conflict-resolution-for-the-21st-century-and-beyond-mahboob-a-khawaja/1147150197 and We, The People in Search of Global Peace, Security and Conflict  Resolution. Kindle Direct Publishing-Amazon, 05/2025 https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0F6V6CH5W


Check Mahboob A. Khawaja, PhD. eBOOK,
Wars on Humanity:
Ukraine, Palestine and the role of Global Leaders
HERE!


Ovi History #eMagazine #23: The Blitz begins

This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is ovi-history-isssue-no23-the-blitz-begins.jpg 

On September 7, 1940, the German Luftwaffe unleashed a devastating assault on London, marking the beginning of the Blitz, a sustained bombing campaign against British cities. This attack represented a significant shift in German strategy during World War II.

Frustrated by the Royal Air Force's resilience in the Battle of Britain, Adolf Hitler changed tactics from targeting RAF airfields to a campaign of terror against civilian populations. On that afternoon, nearly 1,000 German aircraft, comprising over 300 bombers escorted by 600 fighters, crossed the English Channel in the largest aerial formation ever seen at the time. The first wave targeted the London docks, but many bombs fell on the densely populated residential areas of the East End, igniting firestorms that acted as beacons for a second wave of bombers that evening.

The human cost of that first day was immense, with 430 civilians killed and 1,600 seriously injured. Despite the destruction and the British government's initial belief that an invasion was imminent, prompting the code word "Cromwell" to be sent to military units, the attack failed to break the nation's will. Instead of succumbing to terror, the British people demonstrated remarkable stoicism and resolve.

Prime Minister Winston Churchill captured the nation's defiant spirit, declaring that Hitler had "lighted a fire which will burn with a steady and consuming flame until the last vestiges of Nazi tyranny have been burnt out of Europe". This first day of bombing was only the prelude; the Luftwaffe would continue its nightly assault on London for 76 consecutive nights, beginning a campaign that would ultimately claim over 40,000 civilian lives across Britain.

For this issue of Ovi History, a historical fiction short story from Mike Nomads and a new book review.

So, turn the pages and ...take cover.

Read the Ovi History eMagazine online HERE!
View, read it online or download it in PDF/epub format HERE!
And enjoy viewing & reading it online or download in PDF format HERE!
All eMagazines and eBooks downloads are FREE!

You can find it in the Ovi Pedia pages, HERE!
Or Ovi Thematic eMagazines pages, HERE!

With the hope that you will read and learn from the articles,
so take cover and ...do read this historic chronicle

Thanos Kalamidas


The Trumpian supermarket of pardons by Kingsley Cobb

Donald Trump has turned presidential clemency into something increasingly resembling a political supermarket, convicted criminals walk in with a record and walk out with a presidential eraser. Last week, Trump granted clemency to 30 people, including a former drug offender who later became a business executive, a longtime Philadelphia union leader convicted of bribery, and a former Navy sailor convicted of federal firearms offences.

Thirty pardons and commutations in a single announcement is not merely an exercise of constitutional power. It is a political statement about what Trump believes justice should look like when the person holding the pen is the president.

And the statement is deeply troubling. The presidential pardon exists for exceptional circumstances. It is supposed to provide mercy when justice has become excessively harsh, correct genuine miscarriages of justice and recognise extraordinary rehabilitation. It was never intended to become a revolving door through which political favour, celebrity, connections or presidential whim can allow criminal convictions to disappear.

Yet under Trump, clemency increasingly looks less like an instrument of justice and more like another extension of presidential power. The argument that Trump is legally entitled to issue these pardons misses the point. Of course he is. The Constitution gives the president extraordinarily broad authority over federal offences. But legality is not the same thing as legitimacy, and constitutional power is not a licence to turn justice into personal patronage.

There is nothing inherently wrong with pardoning someone who genuinely deserves another chance. A former offender who has rebuilt his life, served his sentence and demonstrated genuine rehabilitation can present a compelling case for mercy. That is precisely why a pardon system exists.

But mercy becomes dangerous when it loses standards. The central question should always be simple: Why this person? Why now? And what principle justifies the decision?

Americans deserve answers. Otherwise, the pardon power begins to resemble a presidential loyalty card. Collect enough influence, political usefulness, public attention or presidential goodwill and perhaps the criminal conviction becomes little more than an administrative inconvenience.

For millions of Americans who have encountered the criminal-justice system without access to political connections, that is a particularly ugly message. They do not have a president waiting at the end of the process. They have judges, prosecutors, probation officers, prison officials and a sentence.

That does not mean every conviction is just or every sentence fair. Quite the opposite. The American justice system has made mistakes, sometimes catastrophic ones. But the answer to an imperfect justice system cannot be to replace judicial discretion with presidential favour.

That simply moves the problem from one institution to another. There is an even larger danger here. When presidents repeatedly pardon people convicted of serious crimes, the symbolic damage extends beyond the recipients. It tells the country that criminal accountability is conditional, that the law may apply with full force to ordinary citizens but become surprisingly flexible for those who reach the president's political orbit.

That is poisonous for public confidence. Trump has spent years presenting himself as the champion of law and order. Yet law and order cannot mean enforcing the law when it suits the president and overriding it when it does not.

A republic cannot function on the assumption that justice ends where presidential preference begins. The United States does not need a president who behaves like a merciful monarch handing out royal pardons from the palace balcony.

It needs a president who understands that clemency is a solemn constitutional responsibility, not a political vending machine. The pardon supermarket may be open. But Americans should be asking who is behind the checkout counter and who keeps getting waved through without paying the price.


Me My Mind & I #20: Great Green Lake #Cartoon by Patrick McWade

 

A different way to check internal and external ...thoughts!
'Me My Mind & I' is a cartoon series by Patrick McWade.
For more 'Me My Mind & I' HERE!
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Worming #136 #cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

A family of worms and all their worm friends worming in new adventures.

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Authoritarian populism editing art by Thanos Kalamidas

Art can be bad, pretentious, ugly, provocative and occasionally downright ridiculous. That is precisely the point with freedom of expression and democracy. In a free society, art does not need political permission to exist.

So the removal of Joel Shapiro’s Blue from the grounds of the Kennedy Center, followed by the removal of Kehinde Wiley’s painting from a United States embassy in the Dominican Republic, should make anyone who cares about culture pause. The two cases are not remotely equivalent to Nazi Germany, and pretending otherwise would trivialise the horrors of dictatorship. But they create an uncomfortable historical déjà vu: the moment when political power begins deciding that certain kinds of art are ideologically unacceptable.

That is where the alarm bell should ring. The Nazis understood the propaganda value of cultural cleansing. Modernism, abstraction and experimental art were attacked as decadent, corrupt and fundamentally hostile to the supposedly pure German spirit. Thousands of works were confiscated from museums and private collections. The infamous “Degenerate Art” campaign turned artistic taste into a political weapon. Art was no longer judged simply on aesthetic grounds. It was judged according to the identity, politics, race or supposed moral character of its creator.

Eventually masterpieces disappeared into storage, private collections and foreign markets and, in some cases, flames. Hitler's own artistic tastes were revealing. He despised much of modern art while embracing monumental classicism, grand architecture, heroic figures and decorative splendour. The aesthetic was not merely decoration. It was politics carved into stone.

And here is the uncomfortable part, authoritarianism rarely announces itself by saying, “We are beginning the destruction of culture.” It usually arrives dressed as taste, efficiency, restoration, patriotism or common sense.

We are told that certain works are “woke”. Others are supposedly offensive, inappropriate or aesthetically terrifying. A painting commissioned by the American government can suddenly become politically contaminated because the artist has expressed views disliked by the administration. A sculpture can be removed from a major cultural institution because its presence no longer fits somebody's preferred vision.

Perhaps the works will be preserved elsewhere. Perhaps they will even find better homes. That matters. But the principle matters more.

Who gets to decide? If a conservative government can remove progressive art because it dislikes the politics behind it, a future progressive government can remove conservative art for precisely the same reason. Once that door is opened, everybody eventually discovers that censorship has an appetite.

The greatest danger is not that one sculpture disappears. It is that political leaders become comfortable with the idea that culture should reflect the ruler rather than challenge the public.

Museums, embassies and national cultural institutions should not function as presidential living rooms decorated according to personal taste. They belong to the public. Their walls should contain disagreement, contradiction, beauty, ugliness, tradition, experimentation and occasionally things that make visitors furious.

That is what culture does. The lesson of Nazi Germany is therefore not that every removal of artwork is fascism. It is something more subtle and more important: never allow political power to acquire the habit of deciding what art is acceptable.

Today it may be a painting. Tomorrow it may be a sculpture. Eventually, if nobody objects, the blank wall itself can become the message.


The Sea #Poem by Jan Sand

 

Let me ride the tail
Of the blue-eyed whale,
Use the ocean for a pillow,
While the cobalt sea
Tosses me
On waves that hiss and billow.

Oh, the world heaves up
And the world falls down
While the waves rise up so high –
From their knife edged tip
Green teeth flip
Diamonds into the sky.

The sapphire wind
Herds ragged clouds
To the line at the end of it all,
While the pale moon floats
Over the wind’s wild goats
With a bounce like a ghostly ball.

Deep down below
Where shadows go
With thick snaky arms and teeth.
Great black things
On leathery wings
Move in waters as deadly as Lethe.

But the top of the sea
Makes me see, makes me free
Where the air stings my throat like a blade.
All the gulls tumble by
Through the eye of the sky
In a circus cavalcade.

The blame machine by Sabine Fischer

The most dangerous sentence in the age of autonomous warfare may be: the machine made a mistake. It sounds innocent enough. A software ano...