Marching backwards in the name of sovereignty by Jemma Norman

So here we are again. The Conservative Party, or what remains of it after years of self-inflicted wounds, has decided that the problem with Britain isn’t a collapsing NHS, the cost of living crisis, or the scandalous housing situation; it’s the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Kemi Badenoch, in what seems to be the latest audition for the role of Britain’s own Nigel Farage with better tailoring, announced that the Tories will take the UK out of the ECHR if they win the next election. The language is the same old tune: “taking back control,” “sovereignty,” “British laws for British people.” But strip away the patriotic wallpaper, and what’s left is a dangerous step toward authoritarianism dressed in the flag of freedom.

It’s an astonishing irony that those who shout the loudest about defending British values are the first to abandon them. The ECHR, let’s remind ourselves, was not some Brussels bureaucratic invention. It was written largely by British lawyers in the ashes of World War II, with the UK one of its proudest founders. It was a moral compass intended to prevent the kind of atrocities that scarred the 20th century, a safeguard against the excesses of governments and the abuse of state power. The Tories now want to smash that compass, not because it has failed, but because it has occasionally told them what they didn’t want to hear.

Badenoch’s statement was not merely a policy announcement, it was a performance. Every line was carefully calibrated to appeal to that segment of the electorate which has drifted toward Farage’s Reform UK: the frustrated, the disillusioned, and the perpetually angry. The promise to leave the ECHR is a symbolic gesture, a red meat offering to those who believe Britain is somehow shackled by “foreign judges.” Never mind that the ECHR is not an EU institution, that it applies to 46 European nations including Norway and Switzerland, or that it has little to do with the bureaucrats of Brussels. The Conservatives have long stopped caring about facts; what they crave now is emotion, preferably rage.

Let’s be honest: the Tories are terrified. Reform UK is eating into their base faster than they can issue press releases. The party of Churchill, Macmillan, and even Thatcher has been reduced to mimicking Farage’s rhetoric in a desperate attempt to outdo him. The Conservatives once prided themselves on being the party of pragmatism, of calm governance and stability. Today, they’re the party of reaction, lurching from one populist outburst to another, as though shouting “Britain First” loud enough will make potholes disappear and grocery prices drop.

Leaving the ECHR would be a constitutional earthquake. It would tear at the fabric of devolution, as Scotland and Wales have their own legal commitments to human rights protections. It would isolate Britain from Europe’s legal community, making us a pariah in international law. Most frighteningly, it would strip citizens of a final line of defence against government overreach. Think about that for a moment: the right to a fair trial, the prohibition of torture, the protection of free expression, all potentially weakened under the pretext of “taking back control.” Control for whom? Certainly not for the ordinary British citizen.

This government’s obsession with control has always been less about empowerment and more about suppression. Whether it’s demonizing refugees, curbing protest rights, or intimidating the judiciary, the pattern is the same. Now, removing the ECHR would formalize that tendency. It would give ministers the freedom to legislate without restraint, to deport, detain, or discriminate under the guise of “national security.” It’s a vision of Britain where compassion is weakness and accountability is optional.

One cannot help but see in Badenoch’s announcement a cynical calculation. She and her colleagues are betting that fear and fatigue have dulled the public’s moral instincts. After all, when people are struggling to heat their homes or feed their children, who have the energy to defend abstract principles like “human rights”? But these are not abstractions; they are the bedrock of a civilized society. The right not to be tortured is not a luxury. The right to family life is not a European import. They are human rights precisely because they belong to all of us.

The tragedy is that this move is not even necessary politically. Britain’s courts already have broad discretion in interpreting ECHR judgments. The UK has ignored or delayed certain rulings before without withdrawing from the convention. But that subtlety doesn’t generate headlines. The Tories need a culture war, and what better target than an institution that symbolizes decency and restraint, qualities they can no longer sell.

When politicians run out of solutions, they start looking for enemies. For the Conservatives, the enemy has become the very idea of international cooperation. Brexit should have been the final act of that drama, but it seems they cannot stop tearing up what connects Britain to the wider world. If they continue down this path, the United Kingdom will find itself not just outside Europe but outside the moral consensus that has defined the continent since 1945.

In the end, this is not about legal frameworks or treaties. It’s about what kind of country Britain wants to be. A nation that leads by example or one that retreats into the shadows of isolation and fear. Badenoch’s announcement signals the latter. It’s a vision of Britain as a fortress, cold, defensive, and self-deceiving. A nation convinced that freedom means the freedom to be cruel.

Perhaps the saddest part of all is the erosion of language itself. “Human rights” should be unifying words, a source of pride. Instead, the Conservatives have turned them into a wedge issue. They speak of sovereignty as if it were a precious relic under siege, rather than a living principle that must coexist with humanity. They speak of control as if governing were an act of domination rather than service.

And so, Britain marches backward, waving the flag as it dismantles the very ideals that once made it great. The ghost of Churchill must be shaking his head. The post-war generation dreamed of a world where law would protect the weak from the strong. Now, their political descendants seek to undo that dream, all for the sake of short-term applause.

History, however, has a long memory. One day, when the echoes of these empty slogans fade, Britain will have to answer a simple question: was the illusion of sovereignty worth the loss of its soul?


When a presidency becomes the ultimate investment by Emma Schneider

Once upon a time, billionaires were content with yachts, golf courses, and private islands. Now, those amusements look quaint compared to the new ultimate trophy: a presidential palace. The modern tycoon no longer wants to simply buy influence; he wants to become the influence. The game has changed. The new profit playbook isn’t about dodging taxes or cornering markets, it’s about capturing a nation.

We’ve entered the age where billionaires look at democracy and see a hostile takeover opportunity. The idea is simple: why spend millions lobbying politicians when you can just be one? It’s cheaper in the long run, and infinitely more rewarding. Power, prestige, immunity, all rolled into one lucrative office. Donald Trump didn’t just win the presidency; he wrote the manual for billionaires with political ambitions. Now we see echoes of the Trump experiment everywhere, including in Europe, where figures like Andrej Babiš in the Czech Republic have taken notes and sharpened their own versions of the play.

What makes this new game particularly dangerous is its perfect blend of populism and privilege. These billionaire-politicians don’t come dressed as the elite; they come disguised as saviours of the working class. They speak in plain terms, rail against the “corrupt establishment,” and position themselves as outsiders, all while their bank accounts have more zeros than most national budgets. They present themselves as “businessmen who get things done,” as if running a country were no more complicated than managing a balance sheet.

And it works. Because in an era of economic fatigue and political exhaustion, many voters crave the illusion of efficiency. They’re willing to gamble on the man who claims he can “run the country like a business.” The irony, of course, is that’s exactly what these billionaires end up doing, running it like a business where they’re the CEO, the shareholders, and the board of directors all in one.

Look closer, and you’ll see the same patterns repeated: state contracts funnelled toward friendly companies, media empires expanded under the guise of “national interest,” public trust traded for private gain. Corruption isn’t even hidden anymore, it’s repackaged as success. “If I made billions in business, I can make billions for the country,” they say. But the math always seems to add up in one direction, toward their own pockets.

In this new world order, conflict of interest has become an outdated term. Once upon a time, the idea that a sitting leader could maintain sprawling business interests would have sparked outrage. Now it’s shrugged off as a sign of entrepreneurial spirit. “At least he knows how to make money,” supporters say as if personal wealth automatically translates into public virtue.

Meanwhile, the institutions meant to act as guardrails the media, the judiciary, the opposition, are steadily undermined. Criticism is rebranded as conspiracy; accountability becomes an act of betrayal. The billionaire-president doesn’t need to silence journalists, he just buys their newspapers. He doesn’t need to dismantle checks and balances, he simply appoints loyal accountants to run them. Democracy, once messy but resilient, starts looking suspiciously like a corporate boardroom.

And yet, we can’t pretend this phenomenon exists in a vacuum. Billionaires-turned-politicians aren’t just opportunists; they’re symptoms of a deeper public disillusionment. People are tired of professional politicians who promise change and deliver excuses. They’re frustrated by bureaucrats who move paper instead of mountains. Into that fatigue walks the billionaire, with his tailored suit and simple slogans: “I’ll fix it. I’ll drain the swamp. I’ll make it great again.”

It’s the perfect sales pitch, and like any good salesman, he knows how to close the deal. The public, hungry for results, buys the dream. Only later do they realize they’ve been sold their own country.

There’s also something seductive about the myth of the self-made man. Voters admire wealth; they see it as proof of competence. If he’s rich, he must know what he’s doing. But what we forget is that billionaires don’t play by the same rules as the rest of us, in business or in politics. They’re used to control, not compromise; to winning, not governing. They don’t negotiate, they dominate. They see politics as a marketplace, not a public service.

In this worldview, loyalty is currency, truth is negotiable, and governance is just another deal to be closed. The nation itself becomes the asset. When things go wrong — as they inevitably do, the billionaire-politician reacts like any businessman facing a downturn: he blames the market, fires a few subordinates, and walks away richer than before. The shareholders, in this case, the citizens, are left holding the bill.

What’s worse, the model is contagious. Others are watching, learning, and waiting their turn. From Silicon Valley to Central Europe, the message is clear: wealth isn’t just power, it’s a shortcut to legitimacy. Why bother funding campaigns when you can fund yourself? Why bribe a politician when you can be the politician?

We’re witnessing the corporate takeover of democracy in real time. Elections have become investment opportunities. Campaign promises are marketing strategies. National interests are just another line item on the billionaire’s ledger.

But perhaps the most chilling part of all is how easily we, the public, have adjusted to it. We grumble, we scroll, we tweet but we still vote for the showman who promises to cut through the chaos. We still convince ourselves that the rich know best. We confuse audacity for leadership, and self-interest for vision.

The billionaire’s path to power will only end when voters stop mistaking wealth for wisdom. Until then, the boardroom doors to the presidential palace will remain wide open. The shareholders of democracy will keep losing dividends, and the new ruling class, those smiling titans of self-interest, will keep cashing in.

Because in the new profit game of the 21st century, running a country isn’t a duty. It’s the ultimate business deal and corruption, rebranded as “success,” is just good business.


#eBook: Fear by David R. Solomon

 

To every man there is his one fear. The bravest man that ever trod the earth had his one especial dread. To some, it is fire; to others, cold steel; others still, the clash of physical contact. But, probe deep enough beneath the skin of any man alive, and you find it.

Horror story - Narrative genre
Horror story, a story in which the focus is on creating a feeling of fear. Such tales are of ancient origin and form a substantial part of the body of folk literature. They can feature supernatural elements such as ghosts, witches, or vampires, or they can address more realistic psychological fears. In Western literature the literary cultivation of fear and curiosity for its own sake began to emerge in the 18th-century pre-Romantic era with the Gothic novel. The genre was invented by Horace Walpole, whose The Castle of Otranto (1765) may be said to have founded the horror story as a legitimate literary form. Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley introduced pseudoscience into the genre in her famous novel Frankenstein (1818), about the creation of a monster that ultimately destroys its creator.

First published 1923
Ovi eBooks Publishing December 2023

Fear

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Ma-Siri & Alexa #111 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

Ma-Siri is a mother and a grandmother with a mechanical companion
searching for the meaning of life.

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Economic Diplomacy in the Digital Age by Jehanie Milky Nagon

How can the Public and Private Sectors hold onto the unprecedented shifts of AI, Robotics, and Digital Innovation? How can these modern intelligent technologies intersect with the amplified needs for interconnected future policy and regulations in the geopolitical, socioeconomic, technological, and security spaces? – Complex questions that can mesmerize each curious mind. Yet, it is globally significant for an open dialogue in the most transformative era of our times.

But, in the Global Interdisciplinary Online Course, “Understanding AI, Robotics, and Its Multi-Dimensional and Multi-Spatial Implications for the Public and Private Sectors,” complex questions are not just curiosity against the current status quo but also driven by the ongoing digital data and case studies that need a deeper understanding, attention, and proactive solutions—which are fundamental in today’s most innovative global shifts.

The 8-week program with a 2.5-hour intensive dialogue finally had its closing on July 10th, 2025. The session circled around the theme “Economic Diplomacy in the Digital Age,” attended by esteemed professionals from different regions (researchers, practitioners, executives, and tech enthusiasts)and by renowned expert guests from different industries: Daniele Sangion (UniCreditGroup, Austria), Antonio Salmeri (Space Law, Lunar Policy Platform), MuntasirMamum (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bangladesh), and Ronald Derler (KompetenzzentrumDigitaleWasserwirtschaft).

In the final week of the program, notable speakers shared comprehensive insights on the current trends of Artificial Intelligence and modern intelligent systems and unveiled the dynamic use, effects, influence, and risks of these technologies in all public and private sectors.

The concluding session delved into: Digital Economic Diplomacy, Global Strategy, Digital Finance, Technology and Infrastructure Risk, and Market Access and Innovation.

Deepfake Dangers and the Rising Cost of Cybercrime

The first round of the program was exploredby a distinguished keynote speaker, Mr. Daniele Sangion, a Chief Information Officer from UniCredit Bank Austria. He started his discussion by playing a deepfake video to show how threatening AI and similar technologies can be when it comes to cyberattacks, physical threats, business disruptions, information bias, evolution of frauds, phishing, fake identities, and cybersecurity risks.

Coming from internal experience and national cooperation efforts, Mr. Sangionpainted a striking picture of the staggering scale of the issue, that “cybercrime is a trillion-dollar business” and should be the third country in the world, after the US and China, in terms of GDP. He explained that cybercrime today includes the misuse of AI through deepfake voices, fake identities, fake shops, and phishing campaigns—tools that fraudsters can now use at scale. He gave concrete examples, mentioning how thousands of deepfake shops of Bank Austria were generated and how attackers used AI to create websites that looked “really similar to your website,” tricking people into entering their login credentials and OTPs. He recalled that even colleagues were deceived during a real-time call by a deepfake version of himself, highlighting how easy it has become “to not recognize me.”According to him, “awareness is the first control measure,” and reinforcing it is essential at every level of internal and external security.

He emphasized that “now, there are not any more silos” in the threat landscape, explaining that crimes can start in the digital realm and create physical consequences—or vice versa—making it essential to look at security in a holistic way. He also shared how Bank Austria, as part of an initiative from the Austrian government, works with other banks and other main companies and launches some initiatives to support the Austrian citizens and to create awareness on phishing, frauds, and deepfakes. These efforts include integrating fraud awareness and security into school-level education programs.

While AI poses serious cyber risks, Mr. Sangion made it clear that it also provides a critical advantage for defenders when used responsibly: monitoring attacks, enhancing security resilience, deepening institutional memory, and reinforcing human awareness.

Law Beyond Earth: Digital Policy in Space Exploration

After the first speaker, the second talk was delivered by Dr. Antonino Salmeri, a space lawyer specialized in the governance of space resources and lunar activities, a world-class expert in the field of space law, and Director of the Lunar Policy Platform. Dr. Salmeri presented on the current status of lunar activities and outlined the legal and policy elements required to enable their prosperous, peaceful, safe, and sustainable conduct.

Dr. Salmeri highlighted that while space is not the Wild West, thanks to international agreements like the Outer Space Treaty, more work is needed to design specific governance solutions suitable to the ambitions of existing plans from governments and companies to establish long-term and large-scale operations on the Moon by the end of the next decade. To this end, he presented the work conducted by the Lunar Policy Platform, a globally established group facilitating the development of policies and standards and providing expert advice to the United Nations, governments, and companies on the legal and policy aspects of their lunar-related engagements. He emphasized that without cooperative governance, the Moon’s shared promise risks becoming a contested domain. Through law and policy, he argued, humanity can ensure a peaceful, prosperous, and inclusive future beyond space.

Dr. Salmeri reminded the audience that “space law exists and that it provides solid foundations for us to build upon. There is no Wild West in space.” Yet, he emphasized, “If we want to have a thriving economy where no economy existed before, we do need more than that. We need policies and standards.” That, he explained, is the mission of the Lunar Policy Platform: to work with all actors—governments, industry, and academia—to develop tools that are going to enable a peaceful, prosperous, and cooperative future on the Moon for the benefit of all humanity.

Digitalizing the Invisible Backbone: Ronald Derler's Perspective on Cybersecurity in the Water Industry

The third keynote expert was Mr. Ronald Derler, CEO of the Competent Center for Digitalization in the Water Industry, who offered a rare and highly relevant perspective on how critical infrastructure is undergoing a digital transformation—with both promise and peril. Drawing on his experience as a cybersecurity leader, military and police veteran, and Harvard graduate in crisis leadership, Mr. Derler addressed the overlooked but essential challenge of protecting water supply and wastewater systems across Europe. He stated plainly that this is not about flying to the Moon but about ensuring that millions of people have clean water every day.

With over 8,000 water-related organizations in Germany alone, many operating for more than a century—Mr.Derler spoke plainly about the challenges ahead. He said digital transformation is no longer optional—it is essential for managing everything from rising energy costs to labor shortages. But he also warned that greater connectivity means more risk. He pointed to real cyberattacks on water systems in Germany and Texas, showing how remote access gaps and outdated industrial controls can be serious liabilities. He addressed a disturbing issue that OT systems are also vulnerable to attacks, stating, “You don't have to hack the systems; you just have to find the systems, and you can do what you want.”

Mr. Derler and his team launched the Situation Center Cybersac at Water, Europe’s first industry-wide Security Operations Centerdedicated to the water sector to address water challenges. This operates 24/7, raises awareness through specialized e-learning, and conducts workshops to promote digital resilience. Even with improved technical defenses, smaller utilities still face legal and compliance pressures. European cybersecurity rules, he noted, are hard to keep up with—especially when supply chains are fragile. He also raised concerns about social engineering, saying it now accounts for over 90% of cyber incidents. AI, he explained, is making both attackers and defenders stronger.

Mr. Derler’s response is not just about better firewalls. He is advocating for a broader strategy: a “zero trust” approach, clear software transparency requirements, and stronger cooperation with national security agencies. To him, solving these issues is not just technical—it is about people, priorities, and planning ahead.

From Static States to Fluid Futures: Reimagining Governance in the Age of Digital Sovereignty

Following the third keynoteguest is a notable expert, Dr. Syed MuntasirMamun, Director General, (ITIT) (ICT) of Bangladesh’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

This high ranking official from the prominent South Asia country brought a bold and deeply reflective narrative on the future of governance. With decades of academic and strategic engagement, he started by situating a theme—governance, imaginaries, and digital space—as the product of over a decade of inquiry into the evolution of republics and state systems. Focusing on the Global South, Mr. Mamun emphasized how 80% of the world’s population who are living in bottom-of-the-pyramid markets are still experiencing institutional voids in governance, economy, welfare, and identity. He asked how people in post-colonial societies relate to the state today. Mamun said that digital space is not just about cyber warfare anymore—it has become “the core terrain of livelihoods, identities, and aspirations.” Because many regions still face “institutional voids” in areas like governance, welfare, and the economy, he noted that new frameworks are emerging. These, he said, aim to bypass outdated systems through digital sovereignty and innovation.

In response to this shift, he introduced the “AAA” model: Adaptive, Agentic, and Agile—as a new way of thinking about governance in a world where timelines are shrinking fast. “Ideas once projected for 2100,” he reminded the audience, “must now be realized by 2030.” This “Fluid Institutions” model is built on the principle that governments should not rule over the people but serve them—moving away from hierarchical, slow, and procedural bureaucracies toward fluid, agile, and digital-first governance structures. At one point, Mamun gave concrete examples to make his point. “We’ve seen this in Rwanda with drones for healthcare delivery,” he said. “In Ghana with blockchain land registries, and in Bangladesh with mobile money that reaches even the poorest.”

As he wrapped up, he emphasized a shift in mindset: “Governance today is about real-time intelligence. ”It is about measuring trust, building legitimacy, and creating new institutional narratives that embrace digital tools and fluidity.” In his words, “We need institutions that are dynamic, tech-savvy, and citizen-first. Fluid institutions for a fluid world.”

*           *           *           *

The Understanding AI and Robotics Course, organized by IFIMES (International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies), SILKROAD 4.0 Platform, Scientific Journal (European Perspectives), and their consortium of international partners (D-8, ICCD, IAF, THC, Diplomatic Academy, Diplomatic Magazine, and many more),explored globally interdisciplinary topics that gave thought-provoking insights and timely informationto participants from Asia, Africa, Europe, the Americas, and Australia/Oceania.

This unmatched collective exchange of data is what opens doors to the investigative mind—to help great people analyze, deepen their understanding, and awaken their consciousness in this era of thrilling and fast-paced intellectual developments.

This is just the inception of the deep transfer of knowledge—to prepare for what lies ahead in the upcominginitiative: Global Academy for Future Governance. To equip each future attendee with the up-to-date data and develop a profound expertise that can bring lasting change not only in the Global North and the Global South, but also in the immersive transformation of digital realms.


Jehanie Milky Nagon is a Manila-based Information Officer of IFIMES (Department for Strategic Studies on Asia). Beyond ASEAN and Asia, her interests are in history, research technology and innovations, global studies,and the environment.


The gospel according to convenience by Kingsley Cobb

Pope Leo XIV said exactly what many have said and even more have silently thought: “Someone who says that ‘I’m against abortion, but I’m in agreement with the inhuman treatment of immigrants in the United States,’ I don’t know if that’s pro-life.”

It was a simple statement, calm, even pastoral but it struck a nerve as if it were a thunderbolt hurled at the altar of American hypocrisy. Within hours, the MAGA establishment began its familiar dance of outrage, their voices rising in a chorus of indignation that could only be rivaled by their devotion to self-declared “Christian values.” The Pope, they shouted, had meddled in politics. But what they truly meant was that he had spoken truth to their brand of selective morality.

Because, you see, the Pope did the unthinkable; he connected the dots between the sanctity of life and the dignity of the living. And in the America of red hats and righteous slogans, that is an unforgivable sin.

It’s astonishing how often the phrase “pro-life” is weaponized in American political culture, stripped of any genuine concern for life itself. It’s become a flag, a symbol of moral superiority, a badge worn proudly by those who will march for the unborn and then vote for the deportation of their mothers. A banner waved by those who weep for the fetus but sneer at the refugee child.

Pope Leo’s remark did not create the hypocrisy; it merely illuminated it. The modern “pro-life” movement in the U.S. has long been less about life and more about control, particularly control over women, control over bodies, and control over definitions. But ask those same voices what happens to that “life” once it’s born into poverty, or into the wrong country, or under the wrong skin, and you’ll often hear the sound of silence or worse, the creaking noise of walls being built.

If Christianity at its heart preaches compassion, mercy, and care for the vulnerable, then what kind of “pro-life” creed celebrates cruelty toward immigrants, indifference to the poor, and a death penalty endorsed with a wink? Somewhere between the Bible and the ballot box, morality has been traded for ideology.

And now, when a Pope dares to hold up a mirror, the faithful recoil, not from the Pope’s words, but from their reflection.

There’s a strange comfort in compartmentalized morality. It allows one to be righteous without ever being responsible. It lets a person oppose abortion loudly and yet sleep soundly after cheering a border wall that separates mothers from their children. It’s the same logic that once allowed slaveholders to pray for forgiveness on Sunday and whip on Monday.

This is the gospel according to convenience. The religion of “me and mine.” The creed of “I am good because I hate the right people.” And it thrives in modern America because it is easier to shout at others than to look inward.

The Pope’s statement, brief as it was dragged the conversation from the safety of slogans into the dangerous realm of ethics. It asked uncomfortable questions: Is life sacred only before birth? Does compassion stop at the border checkpoint? Can one really call themselves “pro-life” while applauding policies that leave children in cages, families starving, and the planet burning?

These are not political questions. They are moral ones. But in a time when morality has been rebranded as politics, perhaps it’s inevitable that the faithful will accuse even the Pope of heresy.

What Pope Leo XIV did, perhaps unknowingly, perhaps intentionally, was remind the world that Catholic social teaching is not a buffet. You cannot choose the anti-abortion stance while rejecting the care for the poor, the refugee, the oppressed. The Church, with all its contradictions and historical sins, still insists that life is sacred from conception to natural death. That includes the lives inconveniently labeled “illegal,” “undeserving,” or “enemy.”

And yet, in America, faith has become a product, customized to fit ideology. Jesus is packaged as a nationalist. The cross is carried like a political logo. And compassion is dismissed as weakness. In such a landscape, the Pope’s words feel almost revolutionary, not because they are radical, but because they recall something fundamental: humanity.

The backlash against the Pope was predictable. Political operatives called him “woke.” Some conservative commentators suggested he should “stick to theology.” Others, in a moment of breathtaking irony, accused him of being “anti-Christian.” This, from people who cheer at the execution of prisoners and boo at the sight of migrant children asking for water.

But perhaps that fury is the best proof of how deeply his words struck. When truth pierces the armor of self-righteousness, the wound burns.

There’s also a deeper fear at play: that the moral monopoly of the right-wing “Christian” movement is cracking. For years, it has built its power on the illusion that to be a good Christian is to vote a certain way, shout a certain way, and hate a certain way. Pope Leo’s reminder that morality is indivisible that life and dignity are two sides of the same coin, threatens that illusion. It exposes the fact that their faith is less about God and more about grievance.

In a way, the Pope’s words are not just a challenge to American Christians; they’re a challenge to all of us. Because hypocrisy is not confined to a single nation or ideology. We all carry it, polish it, and justify it. We all draw lines around our compassion, claiming moral clarity while quietly ignoring what doesn’t fit.

But if there’s one thing the Pope’s statement should do, it’s this: force us to examine where our faith, religious or otherwise, has been replaced by comfort. To ask ourselves whether our “values” are truly about life or simply about control.

Being pro-life, as Pope Leo suggested, is not about a political stance; it’s about a moral consistency. It means valuing the baby in the womb, the mother crossing the border, the prisoner awaiting trial, and the stranger at the door. It means acknowledging that humanity cannot be sliced into convenient pieces.

Perhaps one day, America will rediscover that truth that compassion is not partisan, and morality cannot be divided into “before birth” and “after.” Until then, the Pope’s words will continue to echo, unwanted yet undeniable, across the marble halls of power and the pulpits of selective virtue.

Because the measure of a society, and of faith itself, is not how loudly it declares its beliefs,
but how quietly it honors the lives of those who cannot shout for themselves.


France on the brink ...again by Nadine Moreau

France’s latest political drama has arrived not with a bang, but with a sigh, the weary, disillusioned sigh of a government that has run out of imagination and goodwill. Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu’s resignation, delivered with a pointed jab at the “egos” tearing apart the political landscape, encapsulates a truth that Emmanuel Macron seems unwilling to face: France is no longer governed by vision but by vanity.

Lecornu’s departure came just after Macron unveiled a new cabinet that, despite weeks of speculation and whispers of change, was largely the same old ensemble. A reshuffle without renewal, a performance of continuity dressed up as reform. It was an act that fooled no one, least of all Lecornu himself, who decided he had no interest in being the loyal face of a stagnant regime. In stepping down, he did not just leave his office; he left behind the illusion that Macron’s government could reinvent itself.

Macron now finds himself stranded in the middle of a political desert of his own making. His centrist experiment, once a promise to bridge left and right, has become a tightrope act with no net. The president’s choices are stark, each one carrying a whiff of political suicide. He can attempt to find another prime minister, an increasingly impossible task given that few want to be the next scapegoat for his political exhaustion. He can try to collaborate with the socialists, forming a fragile government that would likely crumble under ideological tension. Or he can gamble it all and call new elections, opening the door to Marine Le Pen and her far-right movement, which now looms like a specter over the Republic.

It’s a cruel irony for Macron, who rose to power as the antidote to France’s extremes. Today, his presidency risks being the very reason the far right triumphs. His brand of technocratic centrism, sleek, efficient, and aloof, once sold as the future, now feels like a relic of an era when political moderation still inspired hope. That era is gone. The French public, battered by inflation, distrust, and a sense of cultural drift, no longer believes in the pragmatic dream Macron preached. They crave conviction, not calculation.

Lecornu’s critique of “political egos” hits harder than it seems. In France, politics has always been personal, but never so performative. From the presidential palace to the opposition benches, everyone appears more interested in posturing than governing. Macron, for all his intellect, has become the perfect symbol of this malaise, brilliant, but tone-deaf; ambitious, but increasingly isolated. His rivals are no better. The left remains fragmented between idealists and pragmatists, while the right has mutated into something darker and more dangerous. Le Pen’s Rassemblement National, polished and patient, stands ready to pounce the moment Macron falters.

And falter he will, because the numbers, the mood, and the momentum are not on his side. A call for new elections might sound democratic in theory, but in practice it would be a high-stakes bet on public discontent. Macron knows that many French voters are no longer voting for change, they are voting out of anger. His party, already weakened, would face an electorate eager to punish, not persuade. A socialist coalition could offer him temporary stability, but at the cost of policy paralysis and endless compromise. France would be governed, but barely.

The real tragedy, however, is not Macron’s personal predicament but the state of the Republic itself. What Lecornu’s resignation exposes is the erosion of collective purpose in French politics. Governments once fell over ideas; now they collapse under the weight of personalities. The political center has hollowed out, leaving a vacuum filled with resentment and populism. France, a nation that prides itself on debate, now drowns in division.

Macron’s insistence on continuity might have been intended as a signal of stability but to many, it feels like denial. The country demanded renewal, and he offered repetition. His reshuffled cabinet, still populated by the same loyal technocrats, looks less like a team and more like a bunker. France needed leadership; it got management. Lecornu’s exit, in this context, feels almost honourable, a refusal to be part of the pretence.

One can almost imagine the scene in the Élysée Palace: a president pacing through gilded halls, weighing impossible choices, haunted by the echo of Lecornu’s parting words. Macron has always thrived on control, but control is slipping. His legacy, once tied to reform and European leadership, now teeters on the edge of becoming a cautionary tale of a leader too clever to connect, too proud to adapt.

And yet, perhaps this moment of crisis could also be a moment of clarity. Macron has one final opportunity to confront the France he governs, not the one he imagines. That means listening to a country that feels ignored, and rediscovering humility in a political system addicted to arrogance. Collaboration with the socialists, though messy, might force him to rediscover a sense of shared purpose. It might show the French that governance can still mean cooperation rather than conflict.

But if he continues to cling to the illusion of dominance, if he insists on ruling through mirrors and loyalists, then his downfall will be swift and deserved. Lecornu’s resignation is not just a political event; it is a warning shot. France is weary of kings who call themselves presidents.

In the end, the “egos” Lecornu condemned are not just those of politicians but of a system that confuses stubbornness with strength. Macron’s France stands at a crossroads: one path leads to a humbled, cooperative democracy; the other to a populist reckoning that could reshape Europe.

The president still holds the pen, but his ink is running dry. If he cannot rewrite his story soon, Marine Le Pen will be more than a threat; she will be the next chapter.

And when that happens, Macron’s empty cabinet reshuffle will be remembered not as a moment of stability, but as the final performance before the curtain fell.


The ghost boat of accountability by Robert Perez

So here we are again, watching another press conference in the age of global amnesia, the Defense Secretary standing tall behind a polished podium, announcing in his most solemn voice that “U.S. forces have conducted a precision strike off the coast of Venezuela, neutralizing a hostile vessel and eliminating four combatants.”

A neat, rehearsed sentence. A sentence engineered not to provoke questions but to smother them. What vessel? Whose combatants? What hostility?

Those are the questions nobody in the room dares to ask. Because when the United States says it has “credible intelligence” whether it’s the CIA, NSA, or some mysterious “interagency coordination” the world is expected to nod in obedient silence. After all, America never lies. Right?

But let’s pause for a moment. In the last decade, how many “precision strikes” turned out to be anything but precise? How many “enemy combatants” turned out to be fishermen, refugees, or smugglers whose greatest crime was being at the wrong coordinates at the wrong time?

When bombs fall on cities, the victims have names, families, and histories. But when a boat disappears under the waves, all that’s left is salt water and deniability.

The U.S. Defense Secretary framed the attack as “necessary,” “preemptive,” and “based on reliable intelligence.” Three words that have become the holy trinity of modern warfare. But the truth is, they are hollow mantras, linguistic camouflage for geopolitical opportunism.

Let’s say, for argument’s sake, that the CIA had information that a vessel off the Venezuelan coast was carrying weapons or planning an attack. Even if true, what gives any foreign power the right to strike in another nation’s territorial waters without a declaration of war, without UN approval, without accountability?

Ah, but this is not war, they tell us. This is “a limited defensive operation.” How convenient! You can bomb, kill, and destroy but as long as you call it “limited,” international law apparently takes a holiday.

There’s a pattern here. The U.S. never strikes for dominance, at least, that’s what its officials say. They strike for “freedom.” For “security.” For “stability.” Words that sound noble in Washington but mean terror elsewhere.

Venezuela, of course, is no innocent lamb in this geopolitical theatre. It’s a troubled state, suffocating under sanctions, corruption, and a government clinging to survival. But that does not justify the transformation of its coastline into a testing range for American firepower.

And let’s be clear: practicing targets in foreign waters, for that’s what this begins to look like, is not just provocative. It is criminal. International law does not allow “practice strikes” that result in death. The sea is not a shooting gallery for restless empires.

There is something disturbingly casual in how these announcements are made. The Defense Secretary’s tone was calm, almost bureaucratic. “We neutralized a threat.” As if neutralizing human beings is an administrative task, like filing taxes.

The faces of the dead do not appear on television. Their names are not read aloud. Their stories are buried deeper than the wreckage of their boat. Because to humanize them would make the whole act unbearable. It would force us to see that “defense” and “murder” can sometimes share the same coordinates.

Somewhere, an analyst at Langley probably typed a report. “Target confirmed. Proceed with engagement.” And someone else, in an air-conditioned room thousands of miles away, pressed a button. The missile flew. The sea boiled. The boat vanished. And then, in the echo of silence, came the press release.

We’ve been here before, from Baghdad to Belgrade, from Kabul to Tripoli. Each time, the justification is wrapped in the same language of righteousness. Each time, the “collateral damage” is swept aside. Each time, the world shrugs.

But there is fatigue now, even among America’s allies. Fatigue from watching international law twisted like soft wax to accommodate one nation’s paranoia. Fatigue from hearing “intelligence suggests” without ever seeing the proof. Fatigue from the arrogance of power that acts first and explains later, if it ever explains at all.

And then comes the punishment, not divine, but political. It never arrives in a grand flash of retribution; it creeps. Slowly, invisibly, through erosion of trust. Through alliances that fray, through moral authority that dissolves.

Because when a nation repeatedly violates the principles it claims to defend, it becomes its own worst enemy. The punishment is not a missile from another shore; it is isolation, cynicism, disbelief. When even your friends stop believing your version of truth, you have lost something greater than a war, you have lost credibility.

Trump’s America, for let us not pretend his ghost doesn’t still linger in this doctrine of brute unilateralism, has perfected the art of acting first and thinking later. “America First” was not just a slogan; it was a philosophy of impunity. The current administration, even if it dresses itself in more polite language, has inherited that machinery intact.

They can call it “defensive engagement,” “strategic containment,” or “a warning shot.” It changes nothing. The sea off Venezuela has become a grave.

If the U.S. had solid intelligence, let it show it. If the strike was lawful, let the international community examine it. But that will not happen, because transparency has become the enemy of power. The more secret the justification, the safer the official.

And yet, somewhere beneath the bureaucratic fog, the truth floats, quiet, heavy, waiting to surface.

History has a way of remembering these “small” incidents. They pile up, one after another, forming a dossier of arrogance. Empires do not fall because they are defeated by enemies; they fall because they rot from within, from the corrosion of their own moral compass.

One day, when the next Defense Secretary takes the podium to announce another “successful operation,” the words will echo into emptiness. No one will believe them. That will be the real punishment, when the world stops listening, because it no longer expects truth.

Until then, four nameless bodies lie beneath the Caribbean waves, sacrificed to a policy that confuses might with right. The press conference is over. The Secretary has left the stage.

And the sea, as it always does keeps its secrets.


Open letter to the new Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Rasidi Ladoja by Tunde Akande

Kabiyesi, I have just given you one big reason you cannot afford the title of “Imperial Majesty”. You have to jettison this foreign title by all means and all efforts.

Kabiyesi,
Kade pe lori, ki bata pe lese. For a starter, sir, I think it is important I let you know that I’m not your subject but a citizen of Ibadan just as you are. Why is it important? You made a beautiful distinction at the week-long coronation that brought you to the throne between the monarchs of yesteryears and those of today. You proclaimed very loudly that the glamour usually associated with the throne is gone. You said “glamour is gone.” That was when Peter Obi, the 2023 Labour Party presidential candidate and some other dignitaries visited you in your house at Bodija Estate, Ibadan. That distinction made many citizens like me very glad. It seems Ibadan is now ready for real governance from the monarch. I know too many citizens don’t like it because there are always many people who prefer the status quo to change. One of the implications of your proclamation is that from your coronation henceforth, there will be nothing special about you other than that you are a servant of the Ibadan people. Therefore, Ibadan people are not your subjects but fellow citizens with you.

You said this much at your coronation when you spoke a mixture of the English language and the Yoruba language. That is a problem we commonly face in Yoruba land today; none of us who went to school can speak our Yoruba undiluted again. When you mixed yours too, I said this problem has gotten to the very top. I think, Kabiyesi, you should do something about this. Since it affects you as it affects all of us, I’m sure you will know what to do about it. It started when those who taught us in school regarded the Yoruba language as vernacular, and they made it a sin for us to speak “vernacular”. We have to reverse this and similar other practices that made English more important than Yoruba. In my own time in secondary school, the Yoruba language was one of the subjects we easily made an ‘A’ in since it was the language we spoke at home and in school when we were not in the presence of our teachers, who felt inferior to the English men and women. But I was amazed when a daughter of mine failed both English and the Yoruba language in the School Certificate examination about two years ago. It has gotten so bad that our citizens in Ibadan have lost their native language and also the borrowed one. Kabiyesi, I think you have to stop speaking in English and speak in Yoruba. This will encourage all of us to take after you. We will still pass English as we read novels.

Kabiyesi, I have just given you one big reason you cannot afford the title of “Imperial Majesty”. You have to jettison this foreign title by all means and all efforts. If you are going to throw away the glamour usually associated with the throne all over the world, and serve your people as you said that the rest of your years you will dedicate to serving the people of Ibadan and your are going to walk in the truth that you are the servant of the people, you must relieve yourself of any thinking that the people are your subjects; rather you must know that by the admission of that truth the people are now your bosses. This will be a big surprise even to the people themselves, but if you want this change, you must reinforce it by repeating it at all times. You know, Kabiyesi, that this is the reason democracy has not served the people of Nigeria. Those we elected to offices see themselves as our bosses. When your leader is your boss, your Kabiyesi, you can’t question him or her; he or she has free access to the tax you gave him to run the government, and he steals it anyhow. There is this crude joke about Adelabu Adegoke, penkelemesi, a popular grassroots politician of Ibadan of those days and the Treasurer at Mapo, who at a campaign lifted a huge key before the people and said: “if you don’t vote for me, I will lock the vault where money is kept in Ibadan and money will not circulate again.” The people believed him and threw themselves on the floor, promising that they would vote for him and that he should not lock the vault. This is what the Kabiyesi concept has done for the psyche of the people of Ibadan and Nigeria in general. The leader is not to be questioned, his is the public money, his is the vault. I think, sir, you have set yourself to change. I don’t doubt that you have the capacity to fight and change this evil. After all, you have fought many such battles as you rose to become king in Ibadan. Imperial Majesty is a title used to describe emperors all over the world. It’s a title that sets the title holder above other kings. It is honorific, but it often scales the wearer up in pride. It has set rulers in conflict with God. God is the only one who deserves that title. You said you are not religious or pray more than other people, but you are sure that God has always been with you in all you do.

Permit me, sir, to tell you that humility, which everybody says you wear as a garment, is the reason God is always with you. My own religious book tells me that God honours the humble but resists the proud. Sir, with all due respect, the day you begin to be proud is the last day you will see the hand of God in your life and work. And you know, Sir, that pride goes before a fall. The man who said he would make you ‘edun-arinle’, I understand, has come to crawl before your feet when you were pronounced as the Oba of Ibadan, the largest city south of the Sahara. Be guided also, don’t let that title make you proud. You are not better than any Ibadan citizen or any human being at all. God decided to make you what you are, and if you continue in humility, you are sure to finish well. Whatever influence you have, use it to prevail on Seyi Makinde, the governor of Oyo state, to restore you to simply the title Oba, which your forebears wore. Let that be enough for you. I watched a documentary on YouTube that told how your progenitors came from Abeokuta and how your progenitor carried Orisa for Iba that Iba could not carry for fear that he would die. Your progenitor stopped that death, killing six of the seven persons that were sent to assassinate him, because of the fear that your progenitor might upstage the Iba. He became prominent and was allocated where your family is today. I won’t doubt if I’m told that you derive your title, Arusa 1, from that encounter of your progenitor. I think Arusa may have a symphony as Ibadan are won’t to do from ARU ORISA (the carrier of Orisa). Anybody who heard you speak Ibadan dialect on the day of your coronation will not believe that your progenitor came from Egba. You’ve lost any trace of the Egba dialect, and now you rule over Ibadan. That is what only God can do. You have a humble beginning, you didn’t climb because you know how to climb. You said it yourself that you were born in 1944 and became the 44th Olubadan. You described that as a rare grace. Continue to see it like that and let your behaviour be attuned to that reality so that you will finish very well.

Dear Oba Rasidi Ladoja, permit me to tell you one thing more. In fact, I have quite a lot to say, but God willing, I will be doing it bit by bit as occasion affords me. I have set myself to monitor you and pinch you anytime I see you derailing from the beautiful marks you set for yourself. When you said glamour is gone, you mean, in my understanding, you will not afford yours of the usual paraphernalia of rulership. No loud feasting, no loud wears, no exotic cars. People know you for simple wears, Ankara. You said your priority is to eat well. No wonder you were as fit as a fiddle when you performed the traditional rites of your throne. You prostrated three times as a forty-year-old old whereas you clocked 81 years a day before. But you breached one of your promises on that day, your first day in office. You rode in a Rolls-Royce. That car costs a whopping N1.4 billion. It was said to have been given to you by a person who was never one of the people we know in Ibadan as rich. One wag who loves you so much said he hoped the Kabiyesi had not received from these emergency rich people who make their money like Ozumba Mbadiwe of old from ‘sources known and unknown’. This wag said he hoped drug pushers and scammers had not invaded the palace of illustrious Oba Rasidi Ladoja. When people who have not been known to have bestowed labour in any work suddenly arise to throw large money around, we must suspect their wealth and keep them at arm’s length. Our society has become corrupted with money, so monarchs must rise to defend our values.

The wag may not be correct, but let me give you some advice, one coming from an Ibadan citizen that loves you so much and wants a change: sell this Rolls-Royce and use the money to build a quality secondary school for Ibadan indigenes. You may not know, but Ibadan has not only become a slum as you observed, but education has also collapsed, especially at the secondary school level. When you do, those who want to infiltrate your palace with ill-gotten wealth will beat a retreat. The crown must be established on righteousness. Don’t allow blood money around you. If you stick to that, Rolls-Royce, you would have given the impression that you don’t mean your promise to forsake glamour. When you ride a Rolls-Royce, you will be competing with the Ooni of Ife who rides one too. And other Obas who do too. It seems the fashion among the Yoruba obas now is to ride in a Rolls-Royce. Please forsake the Joneses, stick to your simple lifestyle. The people of Ibadan are in the wrong lifestyle already, and that has affected commercial progress in the city. They are given to pleasure. Parties are held almost daily, and nobody thinks of conserving money to train their children. That is the reason for your observation that Ibadan sons have no jobs. Who will give a job to youth who have no skills? When they dropout of the very bad and poor school government sends them in the deceitful name of free education, they turn to drugs and hide in all those slums. Ibadan people need a leader who can model a simple lifestyle before them and reverse the trend of Igbo buying off all properties in our city. Our freeloading lifestyle is the reason for the appalling poverty and the sale of our patrimony for a pittance. Please learn from Lagos and get the city of Ibadan going again with hard work

I stop here, sir. This is the only way your crown can endure on your head and your shoes can endure on your legs. Any other way, as the youth says now, is a scam.

First Published in METRO

***********************

Tunde Akande is both a journalist and pastor. He earned a Master's degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos.


Screws & Chips #113 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

In a galaxy far, far away, intelligence demonstrated by screws and chips,
boldly gone where no robot has gone before!

For more Screws & Chips, HERE!
For more Ovi Cartoons, HERE!


AI, Power, and Responsibility: Understanding the Stakes in a Changing World By The Rt Hon Geoffrey Hoon

Keynote delivered by: By The Rt Hon Geoffrey Hoon
Former UK Secretary of State for Defence

Occasion: "Understanding AI and Robotics"
Global Academy for the Geo-Politico-Technological Futures (GPTF)

Session IV: 12 June 2025


Ladies and gentlemen, colleagues, distinguished guests,

It’s a privilege to be here with defense professionals, technologists, scholars, and strategic thinkers—each committed to shaping a secure and resilient global future. I extend my sincere thanks to Professor Anis, to IFIMES, and to the Global Academy for the Geo-Politico-Technological Futures for organizing this vital series of discussion on artificial intelligence and robotics—topics that increasingly defines the trajectory of our global civilisation: the understanding—and the implications—of Artificial Intelligence.

Having spent the better part of my career immersed in questions of national defence, strategy, and governance, I have often been confronted with new technologies that force us to recalibrate both our expectations and our responsibilities. From the Cold War's nuclear stand-off to today’s digital battlefield, each generation faces its own version of transformative risk. In our time, that risk—and that promise—carries a name: Artificial Intelligence.

I. The Strategic Importance of Understanding AI

When I first entered public service, technology was already beginning to reshape military doctrine. Precision weaponry, network-centric warfare, unmanned systems—these were harbingers of a revolution in defence affairs. But Artificial Intelligence is different. It is not merely another instrument in our arsenal; it is a force multiplier, a decision-maker, and potentially, a policy-shaper in its own right.

AI systems can now interpret satellite images with greater accuracy than human analysts. They can autonomously monitor cyber threats, control drone swarms, and conduct real-time logistics coordination with minimal human oversight. In the future, they may be entrusted with decisions that bear lethal consequences. The strategic implications are profound, and they extend well beyond the battlefield.

But AI is not limited to defence. It is woven into our healthcare systems, financial institutions, transport networks, and increasingly, our democratic processes. In short, the domain of AI is the domain of governance itself.

During my time in the UK Parliament, particularly as Secretary of State for Defence from 1999 to 2005, I had the responsibility of overseeing some of the nation's most significant investments in military research and emerging technologies. I worked closely with our scientific communities, defence contractors, and NATO partners to integrate innovation into national security policy. Even then, we saw the early seeds of what AI could become—tools that could enhance decision-making, protect lives, and redefine modern warfare. Today, that frontier has expanded dramatically, making it even more vital that we understand the forces now shaping our world.

II. The Necessity of Ethical and Democratic Oversight

Let me be blunt: technology does not arrive with a built-in moral compass. AI is created by people—trained on data often riddled with bias, shaped by the commercial priorities of powerful companies, and deployed in contexts where transparency is elusive.

This demands rigorous ethical scrutiny. What are the principles that should guide the development and deployment of AI? Who decides when an AI system is sufficiently trustworthy to make decisions about a person’s freedom, livelihood, or security? These are not questions for engineers alone. They require the active engagement of policymakers, ethicists, civil society, and above all—citizens.

As a former Defence Secretary, I know that in moments of crisis, decisions are made at pace. But speed must never come at the expense of accountability. Any military or governmental use of AI must be embedded in clear lines of democratic control, oversight, and public legitimacy.

III. The Geopolitical Landscape

We must also view AI through the lens of geopolitics. The global race to develop and dominate AI is often framed as a contest between great powers. The United States and China are investing vast sums into AI research, with Europe seeking to carve out a third way—one rooted in human rights, privacy, and regulatory rigor.

This is not just a technological competition; it is a clash of values. If we believe in democracy, in individual liberty, and in the rule of law, we must build AI systems that reflect and reinforce those values. That means resisting the temptation to adopt opaque surveillance models in the name of efficiency or control.

It also means forging international agreements to prevent the weaponisation of AI in ways that could destabilise global security. Just as we established treaties around nuclear arms, we must now consider similar frameworks for autonomous weapons, algorithmic warfare, and the misuse of AI in hybrid or information conflicts.

IV. AI and the Future of Work

Of course, the AI revolution will not remain confined to governments or tech giants. It is already changing the way ordinary people live and work. Some fear that AI will replace jobs wholesale—drivers, accountants, even journalists. And there is truth in that concern. But we should not be paralysed by fear.

Instead, we must invest in education and retraining, so that the workforce of the future is equipped to work alongside AI—not be displaced by it. If AI can automate tedious tasks, then human beings can focus on what we do best: creative thinking, empathy, leadership, and moral judgment.

But this transition must be managed. Governments have a duty to anticipate the social impact of AI and to cushion the blow for those who may be left behind. A just transition, not an abrupt upheaval, is the imperative of our time.

V. A Call to Informed Citizenship

Ultimately, the “Understanding of AI” must be a societal project. It is not enough for a handful of experts or regulators to understand these systems. Every citizen deserves to know how decisions that affect them are being made. Every student should learn not just how to use AI, but how it works—and why that matters.

This is why this programme is so important. By fostering public literacy in AI, we strengthen the democratic foundations of our society. We make ourselves more resilient to manipulation, to inequality, to authoritarian misuse.

In the years ahead, we will need more than innovation. We will need wisdom—collective wisdom. We will need leadership that understands that the choices we make now will echo for generations. And we will need vigilance. Because the stakes are high.

Conclusion

Let me close with a reflection.

When I served in government, we faced threats that were visible, tangible, and in some cases, predictable. AI is different. It is diffuse, embedded in code, and often acts invisibly. But its effects will be anything but hidden.

As I explore in more detail in my recent book, See How They Run, leadership today demands both foresight and humility. We have a choice. We can treat AI as an opaque force that simply happens to us. Or we can understand it, shape it, and guide it in accordance with our deepest values.

Let this be the moment we choose understanding over ignorance, governance over chaos, and humanity over hubris.

Thank you.


Marching backwards in the name of sovereignty by Jemma Norman

So here we are again. The Conservative Party, or what remains of it after years of self-inflicted wounds, has decided that the problem with...