The law is not neutral when empires write it by Thanos Kalamidas

The indictment of former Cuban leader Raúl Castro over the 1996 shootdown of two Brothers to the Rescue aircraft is being presented in Washington as a triumph of delayed justice. Nearly three decades after four men died over the Florida Straits, the United States has decided that history still deserves a courtroom. Perhaps it does. The victims’ families certainly deserve answers and states should never casually escape accountability when civilians are killed.

But there is another question hovering uncomfortably over this moment, one that American officials rarely ask themselves because great powers almost never do: what happens when the logic is reversed?

Imagine Venezuela indicting Donald Trump for the killing of Venezuelan soldiers during the American operation that seized Nicolás Maduro. Imagine Caracas announcing murder charges, issuing arrest warrants and declaring that justice transcends borders. One can already predict Washington’s response with absolute certainty. The White House would call it illegitimate, politically motivated and an attack on American sovereignty. Cable news would erupt in patriotic outrage. Congress would likely pass resolutions condemning the “dictatorial abuse of international law.”

And yet that is precisely why the Castro indictment matters beyond Cuba. It exposes the asymmetry at the heart of global justice. The United States insists that its courts possess universal reach when American citizens are harmed, but it rejects the very same principle when Americans stand accused abroad.

That double standard is not unique to Republicans or Democrats. It is embedded in the DNA of American power. Washington supports international tribunals when adversaries are in the dock and undermines them when American officials might face scrutiny. The language changes depending on the target. When enemies are accused, the phrase is “accountability.” When Americans are accused, it suddenly becomes “politicization.”

None of this absolves Castro or the Cuban government. The 1996 shootdown remains one of the ugliest episodes in modern U.S.-Cuba relations. Even international investigators concluded that the aircraft were destroyed in a manner impossible to justify under international norms. But justice loses moral force when it appears selective, especially when delivered by a superpower that often exempts itself from the rules it imposes on others.

The deeper issue is that modern geopolitics increasingly resembles legal warfare dressed in moral language. Indictments are no longer merely judicial acts; they are instruments of foreign policy. Washington knows perfectly well that Raúl Castro, at 94 years old and living in Cuba, is unlikely ever to stand trial in Miami. The practical effect of the indictment is limited. The symbolic effect, however, is enormous. It signals that the Trump administration intends to intensify pressure on Havana and continue framing regime change as a legal and moral crusade rather than simply a geopolitical objective.

That should concern anyone who believes international law must apply consistently or not at all.

The danger begins when justice becomes indistinguishable from power. Smaller nations quickly learn that indictments issued by powerful countries carry weight because they are backed by sanctions, military influence and financial leverage. Meanwhile, accusations against powerful nations rarely travel beyond press conferences and diplomatic protests.

In theory, international law was meant to restrain raw power. In practice, it too often mirrors it. Americans may applaud the Castro charges because the victims were Americans and because Cuba remains an easy villain in domestic politics. But if Washington truly wants a world where leaders can be prosecuted across borders for deadly state actions, then it must accept that principle universally, including when the accusations point back toward the United States itself.

That is the test of whether this is justice or merely jurisdiction with an aircraft carrier behind it.

The price of excusing political violence by Howard Morton

 

There are moments in a democracy when the danger is not hidden behind masks or whispered in back rooms. It stands in broad daylight, smiling for cameras, wrapped in slogans about patriotism and freedom. The celebration surrounding Donald Trump’s proposed $1.8 billion compensation fund for Jan. 6 defendants and supporters is one of those moments.

What was once described by conservatives as “regrettable” behavior is now being polished into martyrdom. The people who stormed the Capitol, assaulted police officers, smashed windows, hunted lawmakers through hallways and attempted to overturn a lawful election are increasingly portrayed not as offenders against constitutional order, but as victims deserving restitution. The transformation is astonishing and deeply dangerous.

This is not merely about sympathy for protesters. Democracies can survive protests, even ugly ones. What they cannot survive is the normalization of political violence as an acceptable instrument of power.

Trump understands this instinctively. He rarely endorses extremism directly. Instead, he operates through implication, suggestion and strategic ambiguity. He praises the “love” in the crowd. He speaks of unfair persecution. He hints that those prosecuted for Jan. 6 were treated worse than criminals. The message lands exactly where it is intended to land: if your cause is politically useful to him, your actions can be morally excused.

That is how institutions erode, not always through dramatic collapse, but through the slow rewriting of public morality.

The proposed compensation fund sends a chilling message to the country: attacking the constitutional transfer of power may not only become politically acceptable, it may become financially rewarded. Imagine the precedent. A future mob, convinced an election was stolen, could look back at Jan. 6 not as a warning but as validation. The line separating protest from insurrection becomes negotiable, dependent entirely on partisan loyalty.

And what of the police officers who defended the Capitol that day? Conservatives once wrapped themselves in “Back the Blue” rhetoric with near-religious devotion. Yet many of the same voices now minimize the beatings, chemical attacks and injuries suffered by law enforcement officers during the riot. Political convenience has replaced principle. Officers are heroes only when they fit the narrative.

The larger issue is not Trump alone. Democracies decline when political tribes begin treating legality as conditional. The Constitution becomes sacred only when it produces desired outcomes. Courts are legitimate only when they rule correctly. Elections are fair only when one’s side wins. Once that mindset takes hold, democratic culture begins to rot from within.

America has endured bitter elections before. It survived Watergate, civil unrest, assassinations and wars because most citizens still accepted one foundational rule: power changes hands through ballots, not intimidation. Jan. 6 shattered that assumption. Reframing the participants as deserving compensation shatters it further.

History rarely announces democratic backsliding with marching bands. More often, it arrives disguised as grievance politics and selective outrage. Citizens are encouraged to believe that loyalty to a leader matters more than loyalty to institutions. Violence becomes understandable. Then forgivable. Then patriotic.

That progression should alarm every American, regardless of party. Because once a nation begins rewarding attacks on its own democratic system, it is no longer defending constitutional order. It is negotiating with its destruction.

The island comes home by Felix Laursen

There is something almost impolite about rereading Lord of the Flies in 2026. The book no longer feels allegorical. It feels documentary. What once appeared to be a grim parable about civilization’s thin veneer now reads like a cable-news panel trapped on an island with no moderator and unlimited testosterone supplements. The conch is drowned out by rage. Piggy is mocked for expertise. Jack wins because spectacle always beats procedure.

So it makes perfect sense that Jack Thorne wants to revisit Golding’s story for television now, in the age of grievance politics, algorithmic fury, and the global export of MAGA-style cultural warfare. Not because the story needs updating, exactly, but because the audience does. Golding wrote for a century still haunted by fascism and world war. Thorne is adapting for a world where people livestream the mob while insisting they are its victim.

The temptation with modern adaptations is usually to over-explain. Contemporary television often distrusts symbolism unless it arrives carrying a diagnostic report and three flashbacks. But Golding’s genius was always his refusal to flatter the reader. The boys are not corrupted by the island. They are revealed by it. Civilization, in Golding’s view, is less a moral achievement than a temporary administrative arrangement. Remove consequences and social shame, and people do not descend into barbarism so much as rediscover its pleasures.

That insight feels disturbingly current. The modern political atmosphere, particularly in the populist nationalist movements orbiting Donald Trump, thrives on the same emotional mechanics that animate Jack Merridew’s tribe: loyalty over truth, performance over governance, domination as identity. The chant matters more than the policy. The enemy matters more than the future. Fear is converted into entertainment and then sold back as purpose.

What Golding understood and what many liberal institutions still fail to grasp, is that people do not always want order. Sometimes they want permission. Permission to sneer, to simplify, to punish, to belong without reflection. The boys in Lord of the Flies do not merely abandon democracy; they become exhilarated by its collapse. The violence gives them coherence.

And yet the story’s enduring power lies in its refusal to pretend evil belongs only to one ideology or class. The island is not conservative or progressive. It is human. That is why every generation rediscovers the novel and believes it was secretly written about them.

A smart adaptation today would resist the urge to turn the boys into neat political avatars. No red hats. No tedious contemporary references. The point is subtler and more frightening than that. Social breakdown now rarely arrives as apocalypse. It arrives as aesthetics, memes, chants, tribal language, ironic cruelty metastasizing into actual cruelty. Democracies erode less from invasion than from exhaustion.

Golding’s island once seemed remote. Now it resembles the comment section beneath almost everything.


Berserk Alert! #106 #Cartoon by Tony Zuvela

 

Tony Zuvela and his view of the world around us in a constant berserk alert!
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Jan Christian Smuts: What Rises Converges by Rene Wadlow

 

It has been my lot to have passed many of the years of my life amid the conflicts of men, in their wars and in their Council Chambers.  Everywhere I have seen men search and struggle for the Good with grim determination and earnestness, and with a sincerity of purpose which added to the poignancy of their fratricidal strife.

                        Jan Christian Smuts (1870 – 1950 )

Jan Christian Smuts, whose birth anniversary we mark on 24 May, was the Prime Minister of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and again from 1939 to 1948 as well as having served in the South African government in other posts, having started at the young age of 28 as the Minister of Justice of Transvaal.  There would be much to analyze in the South African political career of Smuts, representative of an Afrikaner mentality but educated at Cambridge University and so a link to the English-speaking community in South Africa and to politics in England.

However, it is Smuts as an original thinker, author of Holism and Evolution and a major contributer to the structure of the League of Nations and to the Preamble of the UN Charter that I would like to highlight.

Smuts was by nature timid and reserved. He was a poor public speaker and did not like the sort of social occasions at which political figures need to be seen. As a poor speaker, although a UK-trained lawyer, he gave up quickly working in court cases to take up writing on serious topics in newspapers.  He had fought on the Boer side in the 1899 Second Boers War and was given the title of “General”. He was widely respected in South Africa if not particularly liked as a political figure.

His reflections on the motors of history he published in 1926 as Holism and Evolution, but he had been making notes for a long time. (1)   In 1924, for a 10-year period, he left active political life and so focused on the publication of Holism. In thepreface he wrote “The old concepts and formulas are no longer adequate to express our modern outlook.  The old bottles will no longer hold the new wine.  The spiritual temple of the future will require new and ampler foundations in the light of the immense extension of our intellectual horizons.”

Evolution with a goal was for Smuts the motor of history. “The groaning and travailing of the universe is never aimless or result less.  Its profound labours mean new creation, the slow painful birth of wholes of newer and higher wholes, and the slow but steady realization of the Good which all the wholes of the universe in their various grades dimly yearn and strive for − and slowly but in ever-increasing measure, to attain − wholeness, fullness, blessedness. The real defeat would be to ease the pain by a cessation of effort, to cease from striving toward the Good.”

To this driving force behind the evolutionary process, he gave the name  holism − a great unifying creative tendency that operates through Nature, life and mind, which organizes them from the humblest inorganic beginnings to the most exalted ideas.  To Smuts, creative evolution meant the emergence of ever more complex and organized wholes synthesizing new entities from the parts and then transcending them.  The wholes are viewed not as aggregates of their parts, but in terms of dynamic synthesis and a rising hierarchy of ever more perfecting wholes.

Although the writings of Pierre Teilhard de Chardin were only published after Teilhard's death in the 1950s, at the same time that Smuts was publishing Holism Teilhard was independently developing the same views on the direction of evolution and the ways that parts become wholes on a higher level of organization − a concept that Teilhard de Chardin expressed as “All that rises converges.” For a contemporary development of parts and wholes (which he calls holons) see the writings of Ken Wilber.(2)

For Smuts, the League of Nations and then the United Nations were examples of the ways parts – that is separate States- converge into a greater whole.  Smuts' draft for the League of Nations was incorporated into the British proposals for the structure of the League.  As in all international political negotiations, the Covenant of the League is a compromise among different proposals, but Smuts' draft was a major element.  Smuts' proposal for a system of League of Nations mandates for the German and Ottoman colonies was used almost as Smuts had proposed.

As one of the few “fathers” of the League of Nations still active in 1945, Smuts was asked to express the values and aims of the United Nations which would serve as the Preamble to the Charter. The structure of the United Nations had been largely designed in 1944, well before the 1945 San Francisco Conference, but there needed to be an inspire ring Preamble that would set out clearly the goals and values of the organization.

For Smuts, although the League of Nations had not lived up to his hopes, the League had been an important step in the evolution of humanity.  For Smuts the aims of the United Nations were not to be separate goals but rather parts coming together in a larger coordinated whole.  Thus the aims set out in the Preamble − peace, human rights, a higher standard of living in greater freedom and the development of international law − were not separate aims but a convergence  into a higher whole.

The contribution of Jan Christian Smuts to wholistic thinking in many different fields is often overlooked by the world-wide reaction to South Africa's racial policies.  We can not separate his domestic political actions from his philosophy, but Holism and Evolution merits an important place in the main currents of modern thought.

****************************************

Notes
1) J.C. Smuts. Holism and Evolution (First published in 1926 in Cape Town and London. Republished in 1987 by N & S Press, Cape Town)
2) See in particular Ken Wilber. Sex, Ecology, Spirituality. The Spirit of Evolution (Boston: Shambhala, 1995)

 ****************************************

Rene Wadlow, President, Association of World Citizens

Marx cousins #027 #cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

Groucho Marx attempts to seduce Karl Marx’s beard,
only to be met with a scathing analysis of capitalism
disguised as a poorly-aimed spittoon.

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The empire fantasies return by Robert Perez

There was a revealing moment buried inside Delcy Rodríguez’s sharp dismissal of Donald Trump’s latest geopolitical improvisation. Venezuela, she said, is “not a colony, but a free country.” In normal times, such a statement would sound unnecessary, almost absurdly obvious. Nations are not real estate listings. Sovereignty is not a branding exercise. Yet here we are, in an era where a former American president can casually muse about turning another country into the 51st state and still command headlines instead of psychiatric referrals.

Trump’s remark about “seriously considering” Venezuela as part of the United States was likely intended as spectacle. Everything in Trumpism eventually bends toward spectacle. But the disturbing part is not the theatrical exaggeration. It is the worldview underneath it: the old imperial instinct disguised as modern populism.

The logic appears painfully simple. Venezuela has enormous oil reserves. Venezuela is politically unstable. America is powerful. Therefore, why not imagine ownership?

That may sound cartoonish, but history is filled with powerful countries convincing themselves that conquest was merely pragmatism with better marketing. Great powers have always found elegant language for ugly ambitions. They speak of stability, security, partnership and destiny when what they often mean is control.

Rodríguez, no saint herself, understood the symbolism immediately. That is why her response focused not on economics or diplomacy, but dignity. Latin America has spent two centuries resisting the shadow of foreign domination, particularly from Washington. From coups to interventions to economic coercion, the region carries a long memory. Trump’s offhand rhetoric tears open that memory like an old scar.

There is also something deeply contradictory about this fantasy of annexation coming from the same political movement that endlessly warns about immigration, cultural dilution and the supposed collapse of American identity. Venezuela has roughly 30 million people, a distinct political culture, and immense poverty challenges. If statehood were remotely serious, it would instantly become the largest integration project in modern American history. The same voices demanding walls would suddenly inherit an entire nation.

And then comes the constitutional absurdity. The United States cannot simply absorb sovereign countries because a president thinks it sounds bold during a phone interview. America is not a medieval kingdom acquiring territory through dynastic impulse. Or at least it is not supposed to be.

But perhaps the larger issue is psychological. Trump increasingly speaks about the world as though borders exist primarily for America’s convenience. Greenland. Panama. Canada. Now Venezuela. The pattern matters. These are not isolated jokes; they reflect a transactional understanding of sovereignty itself. If a place is strategically useful, resource-rich or geographically attractive, then its independence becomes negotiable.

That is precisely the kind of thinking the post-World War II international order was designed to restrain.

The irony is that America’s greatest global strength was never territorial expansion. It was the ability to inspire imitation without occupation. Countries once admired the United States because it represented constitutional stability, democratic confidence and restraint in power. Floating fantasies about annexing foreign nations makes America sound less like a republic and more like a casino owner eyeing neighboring properties.

Rodríguez was right about one thing: Venezuela is not a colony. The fact that this even needed saying should worry Americans as much as Venezuelans


#eBook Nonviolent MANIFESTO by David Sparenberg

 

Provocations of Ecology, Spirituality & Politics at a Higher Octave.
The majority of compositions in this book are collected out of my 2025 OVI eBooks.

There are, however, some new prose pieces, which include A Page from Gandalf’s Notebook, Methane In a Bell Jar, the title composition Manifesto, and Radical, as well as some new poems, including Prayer, Women, Save and The Gospel of Creation.

If you are only going to read one book in the next six months, let this be your choice. Reading can be quick and easily referenced. The word count is small. Thought content communicates experiential wealth and may provide reflections of enduring value.

David Sparenberg is a humanitarian and eco poet, essayist, storyteller, a World Citizen and advocate for democracy, who lives in Seattle, WA in the Pacific Northwest of the United States.

Ovi eBook Publishing 2026

Nonviolent MANIFESTO

Read the eBook it online HERE!
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All eBooks and downloads are FREE!

For the Drug Addict In A Global Scenario by Abigail George

We are living in a Renaissance, the African Renaissance. Attachment to the anticipation for the future arises from having high levels of a false construct that is held deeply within our core, where our personality resides, and rooted in our consciousness. Addiction arises from need, the need for freedom. The addict needs love. They get unconditional love, self–worth, a feeling of no regrets, self-love, love of self that is unselfish, all-encompassing kind of love and self-acceptance from the ‘fix’. The addict needs to feel accepted despite the mistakes they have made in the past. If and when the past does not exist for the addict they feel safe.

They begin to self-regulate their nervous and auto-immune system. The addict wants control. They want to control the high, the elation they receive from the substance they are consuming recklessly, without any thought to the injury they are doing to their brain. Does the addict live in the past, constantly bringing up painful memories from a conditioned childhood that they had no control over? It is a form of insanity to live in the past. This is a simple and profound statement that leads to understanding what Deepak Chopra said, that addiction has to do with karma. All humanity has a higher intelligence.

This exists in the animal world as well. You cannot escape now. The addict exists in the past. They relive past trauma, adverse childhood experience. There is an attempt to control the pain, the thoughts of the environment they found themselves in as a child where the trauma took place, the persons who hurt them as a child, adolescent or adult. Addiction arises from the mentality and mindset of having not received access to love from the same-sex parent or either parent and not having received adequate care, concern and unconditional love from parent, authority figures like a teacher, uncle, aunt, grandmother or grandfather, elder, church leader. Nobody asks what the addict needs. The addict requires a life of intention. They need to cultivate habits that will restore and renew good health, a sound mind and body. They understand on a subtle level that addiction will lead to their downfall in society, overdose and even death.

Therapy can lead to a happier existence for the addict, talk therapy, joining a support group, receiving support from a loving and attentive partner who is an effective listener, and believing in a religion. They need the company of a good friend or friends that they can participate in meaningful activities with who is also an effective listener and who offers them support. There are tools that are instrumental for our survival and communication. For example, our thoughts, emotions and feelings are part and parcel of that survival.

The now is what we experience in the present tense, the fleeting moment that  is gone in a second and that can never be replaced. Change and transformation can take place in the drug addict’s life but only with the loyal support of their family. Isolating the drug addict will never work because they too need a community (see promiscuity, sexual misbehavior, rape, sodomy, homosexuality, gangs, gangsterism and gun violence). Religion also has its role to play in the foundation and education of the psychological framework of the individual. Healing and recovery can take place. It is the addiction that is the residual effect of abnormal thinking, incorrect habits cultivated over time and brain damage. The addict’s brain is indeed damaged and not just by the abuse of substances but by not adopting society’s norms and not living by and accepting religious values and views, and ideas.

The notion of time is ever-present at the back of our minds as we, the human race, humanity, chart our course in this world. The world a drug addict lives in is a world that is unpredictable. The addict feels unsafe, deeply unloved, misunderstood, misrepresented, rejected, isolated and alienated from his peer group, his contemporaries. They face self-doubt and insecurity on a daily basis. For the most part they are unemployed, although there are individuals who suffer from and crave illegal substances who try to go out into the world and seek gainful employment. There is a stigma that exists in modern society against a drug addict in recovery. People feel they cannot trust a drug addict and that they haven’t really changed. They are just going to steal to support their drug addiction.

With aging comes grace and acceptance. Acceptance is a key equivalent to love, and so are accepting our past, accepting our shared history with family members, siblings, parents, aunts and uncles and cousins. I believe there is a genetic code within all of us that pre-empts what is going to happen in our lives but nevertheless human choice, individual choice, and the choice of the collective, the choices we make, whether good or bad, choices that give us, our brain, our physical bodies cellular networks, our psychological framework and network negative or positive feedback can also inspire the lives we lead at the end of the day.

What the drug addict wishes to do by taking, imbibing, consuming, injecting, abusing the illegal substance or buying over the counter prescription medication is to mask, veil, cover the trauma they were exposed to, experienced or witnessed, whether it was verbal, emotional, physical or sexual assault. I state this explicitly. The community can help. It starts with the family unit. Listening, accepting, talking, not rejecting, and not isolating the drug addict, because isolation can result in suicide ideation, relapse and hospitalization (a long period away from home). The drug addict comes from a dysfunctional family unit/background, a weak family unit. The drug addict possesses intelligence. They know and sometimes acknowledge that they are harming themselves. Addiction affects the entire family.


Fulani bandits and the new found gold by Tunde Akande

It’s no longer a joke; the Fulani bandits have made possible what the Yoruba thought was not possible. In broad daylight, they raided Oriire Community near Ogbomoso in Oyo State and carted away a school principal, two vice principals, three teachers, and about 39 pupils ages 5 to 12 years. For so long, the Yoruba of South West Nigeria thought of banditry as a distant dream that could only happen in the far away North East, North West, and the middle belt. But now the war has been brought to their doors.

The Fulani who retreated when Ibadan fought and defeated them at Osogbo are back, and this time smoking. The war is not about occupation or about religion; it is about money. The Fulani bandits have found gold, and this expensive mineral is all over Nigeria. They have located a very lucrative industry that still locates them in the forest but provides them with money in a quantity that their forefathers never dreamt of.

When they began experimenting with raids in Ondo State, the governor of Ondo State, the late Rotimi Akeredolu, pushed them back ferociously. Akeredolu was ready to break the Constitution to achieve defense for the Yoruba; he was ready to defy the rule that a state can’t have its own police, a thing that the Fulani government of late Muhammadu Buhari used to begin a gradual Fulaniization of Nigeria. For Buhari, conquering the proud Yoruba with his Fulani was a delight.

Akeredolu was ready to create a force and arm it with guns to fight off these invaders that Buhari was ready to subtly encourage. Akeredolu got his colleagues in Yoruba states together to form Amotekun to engage in this battle. Amotekun would not carry sophisticated arms, but it could use what the head hunter of Ibadan forces, Balogun Oderinlo, used to defeat the Fulani; Amotekun could use juju. Young boys were recruited, and they began the fight. The Fulani bandits were pushed back, but only for a time. Akeredolu died, and his colleagues went to sleep. Amotekun were soon occupied with other duties that were not in their callings when Akeredolu conceived the force. They began to follow the governors in their tours, follow the governors’ wives, and were used to harassing thugs of opposing parties. The gap thus created gave the Fulani bandits time to observe and plan.

When they raided Oriire local government, they signaled that they were ready to take on all of the Southwest, Amotekun notwithstanding. Oriire is one of the five local government areas of Ogbomoso. Ogbomosho is one of the five cities in Oyo State. Once Ogbomosho was captured, the Fulani signaled that no city or town or village in the Southwest would be difficult for them to capture.

When the insurgents and the bandits got to the Yoruba area of Kwara State, the governors of the Yoruba states got together to, as they told the people, map out a strategy to defend themselves. They displayed some braggadocio, but it was no more than that. They posted videos of each of them talking tough, warning the invaders to steer clear of the southwest. They told the people they had acquired drones and were ready to fish the invaders out of the Yoruba forests. They were battle ready. But the recent raid in Oriire in Ogbomoso has made a lie of their braggadocio; it was no more than propaganda and a lie. In broad daylight, the bandits carted away pupils and teachers not through the deserts of Katsina and Zamfara states but through the thick forests of Ogbomoso. The drones of the governors, if ever there were any, did not pick the bandits.

The Oyo State government issued propaganda that the bandits have been trapped within the forests of the National Park and there is no way of escape for them to the neighboring states. But the bandits have continued to post footage of their captives… appealing to the Federal Government of President Bola Tinubu, the Oyo State government of Seyi Makinde, the president of the Christian Association of Nigeria, and the Nigerian people to come to their rescue and resolve the matter peacefully. Peacefully was added for effect. Any attempt to try anything funny with the government forces will be calamitous.

The bandits’ messages were targeted at the federal government, the Oyo State government, and the CAN. Obviously the bandits know these governments have a lot of cash. APC governors have allegedly just contributed 800 billion naira to President Tinubu’s campaign fund, so they want their own cut from the largesse. The bandits also know that the churches are bulging at the seams with money, which they generate from their church members, and the bandits also want their cuts.

Seyi Makinde, governor of Oyo State, is the new kid on the block. The latest revelation in the country. He will soon finish his eight-year tenure in the state, and he wants immediately to become president. Seyi Makinde cannot even wait for Tinubu to finish his two terms; he wants to replace him immediately. The bandits must have calculated that the only thing that could have given Makinde that kind of audacity was a huge cash in his hand.

In Nigeria, being in politics means being in much money. President Tinubu has been giving so much money he got from the removal of the oil subsidy to the governors, and Seyi Makinde must have gotten a lot too. If Seyi Makinde will not willingly share with them, he must be made by some force to part with some cash. Seyi Makinde cannot but bow to the demands of these bandits. Tinubu himself, through his NSA, Nuhu Ribadu, had bowed many times.

Seyi Makinde announced his presidential ambition at a rally tagged “mega” just a day before the invasion. Seyi Makinde must remember the men in the bush too. If Tinubu and Seyi Makinde do not send their children to school and if they do not give them medical attention, they must send ransom to them in the bush to take care of these needs. In Nigeria, the doctrine is “each man for himself, God for us all.”

The Fulani have come full circle. Gradually they are abandoning their cattle herding, which does not provide them much but leaves them in the forests with all the attendant dangers. Their elites can continue to dominate government and politics in the cities; they will be king in the forest. They will use their knowledge of the terrain to make money for themselves and their family. If Tinubu wants, they can send him taxes from the forests; they are good citizens too. They will settle their families in the cities and take the huge cash they make to them in the cities. With their dominance in the forests and the dominance of their elites in the cities, the vision of their progenitor, Ahmadu Bello, is realized. Shi ke nan!.

First Published in METRO

***********************

Tunde Akande is both a journalist and pastor. He earned a Master's degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos.


fARTissimo #027 #cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

fARTissimo is what people do not see when they see a piece of expression
but what they project in what they think they see.

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The law is not neutral when empires write it by Thanos Kalamidas

The indictment of former Cuban leader Raúl Castro over the 1996 shootdown of two Brothers to the Rescue aircraft is being presented in Washi...