The gift of empty space by Jemma Norman

There are only two possibilities when a political leader steadily surrenders ground to a rival. Either it is part of a grand strategy or it is happening despite their intentions. Looking at the trajectory of Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch and the rise of Nigel Farage, the first explanation requires a degree of political sophistication that has yet to reveal itself. The second requires only observation.

For months, Badenoch has faced a dilemma that has haunted Conservative leaders ever since the Brexit referendum transformed British politics. How do you hold together a coalition that stretches from moderate conservatives in southern England to voters increasingly attracted to populist nationalism? The traditional answer was broad church politics. The modern answer increasingly has been, panic.

Farage understood something long before much of Westminster did. Political vacuums do not remain empty. If one party refuses to articulate the frustrations, fears, and cultural grievances of a segment of the electorate, another party will. Reform UK has thrived not merely because Farage is a gifted communicator but because he has been handed opportunities by opponents unable to define themselves.

Badenoch entered the leadership promising clarity and conviction. Her supporters argued that she possessed intellectual confidence and ideological coherence. Yet leadership is not measured by speeches, interviews or social media clips. It is measured by the ability to dominate political territory. On that test, the evidence is uncomfortable.

The Conservatives increasingly find themselves trapped between competing instincts. They want to sound tougher than Labour while appearing more responsible than Reform. They want to acknowledge public anger without embracing the rhetoric that fuels it. The result is often a message that satisfies nobody. Voters seeking stability look elsewhere. Voters seeking disruption look to Farage.

This does not mean Badenoch secretly wants Farage to become the dominant figure on the British right. Political leaders rarely spend years climbing mountains merely to hand the summit to someone else. The more plausible interpretation is that she underestimated how quickly political relevance can evaporate. Modern politics is brutal toward hesitation. Every uncertain message becomes a gift to a rival who appears more certain.

Farage's greatest advantage has never been policy detail. It has been simplicity. He offers a clear story about Britain, its problems, and its future. One may disagree with that story but it is unmistakably his. Badenoch, by contrast, often appears caught between defending a Conservative record many voters rejected and constructing a new identity that remains unfinished.

The irony is that Farage's rise says as much about Conservative weakness as it does about Reform's strength. Political movements rarely conquer territory that is being actively defended. They succeed when the gatekeepers stop convincing people why the territory matters.

History may ultimately judge Badenoch less harshly than current headlines do. She inherited a party exhausted by internal warfare, electoral defeat, and years of declining public trust. Those are not conditions from which quick recoveries emerge. Yet politics offers little sympathy for difficult inheritances.

Whether through miscalculation, hesitation, or simple inability to adapt, Badenoch has so far created the impression of a leader reacting to Farage rather than defining him. In politics, that distinction is everything. The politician setting the agenda owns the future. The politician responding to it usually ends up explaining the past.


The Price of Growing Old by Dai Eun Greer

Every year, World Elder Abuse Awareness Day arrives with solemn statements yet the most uncomfortable conversation is often left untouched. Elder abuse is not only a matter of individual cruelty. It can also emerge from systems designed to place financial efficiency ahead of human care.

The modern privatization of elder care has transformed one of society’s most profound responsibilities into a marketplace. In theory, competition should improve quality. In practice, the results are far less reassuring. Across many countries, aging parents and grandparents increasingly find themselves living within institutions managed according to business models that reward cost-cutting, expansion, and profitability. Care becomes a service line. Residents become occupancy rates. Human vulnerability becomes an operating expense.

This is not an indictment of every private provider. Many caregivers working in privately run facilities perform extraordinary work under difficult conditions. They deserve admiration. The problem lies elsewhere. It lies in a system that too often measures success by financial outcomes rather than human ones.

The arithmetic is brutally simple. Staffing is expensive. Time is expensive. Attention is expensive. Compassion, while impossible to quantify, often requires all three. When organizations face pressure to increase margins, reduce costs or satisfy investors, the temptation to trim staffing levels becomes nearly irresistible. The consequences are rarely dramatic enough to make headlines. They arrive quietly.

An unanswered call button.
A rushed meal.
A skipped conversation.
A resident left sitting alone for hours.

Neglect rarely announces itself with the spectacle that accompanies physical abuse. It accumulates gradually, hidden behind schedules, spreadsheets, and management reports. Its victims often lack the strength, confidence, or opportunity to speak about it. By the time families notice, the damage may already be done.

There is a particular irony in the language surrounding elder care today. Facilities advertise lifestyle experiences, wellness environments, and personalized living. The vocabulary sounds suspiciously similar to that of luxury hotels and technology companies. Aging, however, is not a consumer experience. It is a human condition. People in their eighties and nineties do not primarily need branding strategies. They need patience, safety, companionship and consistent care.

The deeper issue concerns what privatization reveals about our cultural priorities. Modern societies celebrate productivity, innovation, and economic growth. Old age represents something different. It reminds us of dependence, fragility, and mortality. These are realities many cultures would prefer not to confront. Outsourcing care to increasingly corporate systems can become a convenient way of distancing ourselves from those reminders.

World Elder Abuse Awareness Day should therefore challenge more than individual misconduct. It should challenge collective complacency. The question is not merely whether elders are being harmed. The question is whether our institutions are structured in ways that make harm easier to ignore.

A society ultimately reveals its character through the treatment of those who possess the least power. Elderly people, particularly those requiring extensive care, belong to that category. They cannot lobby effectively. They cannot dominate public debate. They depend on others to defend their interests.

That dependency places a moral burden on the rest of us. Caring for older generations should never be reduced to a balance-sheet calculation. The true measure of elder care is not profitability, occupancy, or efficiency. It is whether the final years of a human life are lived with dignity. Everything else is accounting.


Puppi & Caesar #46 #cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

Another cartoon with a mean and know-all of a bully cat, Puppi and her intellectual, pompous companion categorically-I-know-all, Caesar the squirrel!  

For more Puppi & Caesar, HERE!
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Sacco and Vanzetti: That Agony is Our Triumph by Rene Wadlow

"If it had not been for these things, I might have live out my life talking at street corners to scorning men.  I might have die, unmarked, unknown, a failure.  Now we are not a failure.  This our career and our triumph. Never in our full life could we hope to do such work for tolerance, for justice, for man's understanding of man as now we do by accident.  Our words - our lives - our pain - nothing! The taking of our lives  -  lives of a good shoemaker and a poor fish peddler - all! That last moment belongs to us - that agony is our triumph" - Letter of Bartolome Vanzetti (1888-1927) to Judge Webster Thayer who had condemned Vanzetti and Nicola Sacco (1891-1927) to death for the murder of a guard and the paymaster of the Slater and Morill Shoe Company in Braintree, Massachusetts on 15 April 1920.

Sacco and Vanzetti, along with a third member of the Italian anarchist group involved in the robbery were electricuted at midnight on 23 August 1927, after seven years of legal procedings and an organized social campaign to prevent the execution led by some of the leading intellectuals of the time, especially the novelist John Dos Passos.  Some 200,000 persons attended the funeral, and there were demonstration in front of U.S. embacies in many parts of Europe.  Since then, Sacco and Vanzetti have been symbolic figures in efforts to abolish the death penalty.

Two aspects of the trials and legal procedures have stood out in the anti-death penalty debates.  The first is that it is often difficult to have a trial that is not influenced by emotions and the political currents of the times.

Both Sacco and Vanzetti had been members of an anarchist network led by the Italian anarchist writer Luigi Galleani who was living for some years in the New York area.  He edited a journal calling for violent revolution.  He was deported to Italy in June 1919, but his journal continued for several years after that.  In the minds of many in the U.S.A. there was a link between anarchy and Bolshevism which had just come to power in Russia in 1917.  There were fears that Bolshevism would spread.  Moreover, both Sacco and Vanzetti had left for Mexico in 1917 and changed their names to evade draft registration which had been introduced in 1917 when the U.S. jointed the First World War.  The prosecutor in the murder trial used the Mexico flight to demonstrate their lack of patriotism. In Massachusetts, there was a general anti-Italian feeling, even if individuals were not anarchist but family-loving Roman Catholics.

The second element of the case used in anti-death penalty efforts is that people are executed who are later found to be not guilty of the crimes for which they were executed.  Research on the case continued long after the executions.  It is highly possible that Sacco was in fact involved in the robbery and may have used the weapon he had with him.  Vanzetti was not involved but rounded up as a member of the same Italian anarchist group which had robbed the pay of other shoe companies as well.

Thus the possibility of a person from a minority group, of the lower class, at a time of fear and international violence being convicted and executed is higher than if a person is part of the majority, has money to get a good lawyer, and the world situation is calm.

Studies in a good number of countries indicate that the death penalty has little impact on the rate of violent crimes.  Thus, the Association of World Citizens has worked with others, especially in the United Nations bodies for the abolition of the death penalty.

Since the end of World War II, there has been a gradual abolition of the death penalty.  In some countries, executions have been suspended in practice but laws allowing executions remain.  In other countries, there has been a legal abolition.The abolition of executions and the corresponding valuation of human life are necessary steps in the development of a just world society.

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Rene Wadlow, President, Association of World Citizens


The trillion-dollar mortification by Jennifer Stephenson

The emergence of the world's first trillionaire is not merely a business story. It is not a tale of innovation, entrepreneurial genius or the rewards of risk-taking. It is above all a mirror. And what that mirror reflects is not flattering.

Humanity has somehow arrived at a point where one individual can accumulate wealth on a scale that previous generations would have associated with kingdoms, empires, or mythology, while millions of people struggle to secure enough food, housing and medical care to survive. The contrast is so extreme that it almost escapes comprehension. A trillion dollars is no longer wealth in the ordinary sense. It is power, influence, and ownership concentrated beyond any rational social purpose.

The defenders of extreme wealth tend to retreat into familiar arguments. The billionaire created jobs. The billionaire built companies. The billionaire earned it. Yet these arguments avoid the central question. How much wealth can any one person reasonably possess before the accumulation itself becomes evidence of a system malfunctioning?

No one works a million times harder than a teacher. No one contributes a million times more value than a nurse. No one is a million times more essential than the sanitation worker who keeps a city functioning. The notion that a single individual can legitimately command resources greater than the economies of entire nations is not proof of meritocracy. It is proof of imbalance.

What makes the situation particularly disturbing is that it unfolds against a backdrop of visible hardship. Even in the United States, the richest nation in history, people sleep in cars, skip meals, ration medication, and work multiple jobs while remaining one emergency away from financial disaster. Food banks continue to serve growing numbers of families. Homeless encampments stand within sight of luxury developments. The same society that can generate trillionaires somehow struggles to guarantee basic dignity.

This is not an argument against success. It is an argument against excess.

A healthy economy should reward innovation, ambition, and entrepreneurship. It should encourage people to build companies and solve problems. But there is a profound difference between rewarding success and permitting the creation of fortunes so vast that they distort politics, public discourse, labour markets, and even democratic institutions themselves.

Taxation was never intended to be punishment. At its best, it is a recognition that extraordinary prosperity depends upon public infrastructure, legal protections, educated workers, and social stability. Those who benefit the most from that system should contribute proportionately to sustaining it.

The question is not whether billionaires deserve to pay more. The question is why societies have become so comfortable allowing wealth to pile upward without limit while basic human needs remain unmet below.

A trillionaire is not simply a wealthy person. A trillionaire is a warning light on the dashboard of civilization. The achievement may be celebrated in financial circles, but for everyone else it should prompt a far less comfortable conversation.

If one person can possess a trillion dollars while millions struggle to survive, the embarrassment does not belong to that individual alone. It belongs to all of us.

 

The day the cockroaches answered back by Avani Devi

Politicians often discover that insults are the most expensive words they ever utter. A dismissive remark, intended to belittle opponents, can sometimes become the spark that lights a movement. If recent events in India are any indication, Narendra Modi’s government may have stumbled into precisely that trap. The story begins with a word, “cockroaches.”

When India’s chief justice reportedly described young unemployed critics of the government in those terms, the comment was likely meant to convey irrelevance, nuisance, perhaps even contempt. Instead, it appears to have achieved the opposite. Within weeks, a generation that already felt ignored found a symbol around which to rally. What began as an online joke transformed into the Cockroach Janta Party, a movement that now attracts crowds large enough to make even seasoned politicians take notice.

The name itself is politically brilliant. For decades, opposition parties across the world have tried to construct identities around lofty ideals, historical grievances or elaborate policy agendas. The Cockroach Janta Party did something simpler. It took an insult and wore it proudly. The message is obvious: if the establishment sees us as pests, then perhaps there are more of us than it cares to admit.

History is full of examples of groups reclaiming labels intended to diminish them. The remarkable speed of this movement suggests that millions of young Indians were waiting for an outlet to express frustrations that have been building for years. Youth unemployment remains a stubborn challenge. Economic growth figures may impress investors and government spokespersons, but they do not automatically translate into meaningful opportunities for every graduate searching for work.

That frustration has often lacked a political home. Traditional opposition parties have struggled to present themselves as credible alternatives to Modi’s highly disciplined political machine. The prime minister remains one of the most dominant political figures of his generation. His supporters point to infrastructure projects, welfare programs and India’s rising global influence. Yet dominance can produce a dangerous illusion: the belief that criticism comes only from enemies rather than citizens with legitimate concerns.

This is where the cockroach metaphor becomes unexpectedly powerful. Cockroaches are famous for surviving. They adapt. They multiply. They persist despite every attempt to eliminate them. As political branding goes, it may be accidental genius. Every criticism strengthens the narrative. Every attempt to mock the movement risks validating its central claim that young people are being dismissed rather than heard.

Of course, parody movements often burn brightly and disappear just as quickly. Social media excels at creating spectacles but is less successful at sustaining organizations. Gathering a crowd is one thing. Building policy platforms, leadership structures and electoral strategies is something else entirely. The Cockroach Janta Party may ultimately prove to be a temporary protest rather than a lasting political force.

But that possibility misses the larger point. The significance of the movement is not whether it wins elections. Its significance lies in what it reveals. Millions of young Indians appear eager to challenge a political culture that they believe no longer listens to them. They are using humour as a weapon because conventional avenues of influence seem ineffective.

The real danger for any government is not opposition. Democracies are supposed to have opposition. The real danger is dismissing opposition as something less than human.

When people are called cockroaches, they sometimes answer back. And when enough of them answer together, the joke stops being funny and starts becoming politics.

 

Twilight #Poem #Painting by Nikos Laios

 

In the twilight
The Earth is still,
The colours are soft,
And the night begins.

A new act,
A new play,
Full of drama,
Beautyand life.

Then the night
Comes and under
A canopy of stars
We live our brief
Shining moments
And the twilight dawns
And the earth is still
And the colours are soft
In the morning light
As another day begins,
Another day of life,
Another blessed day.

 *******************************
With a digital painting from Nikos Laios

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Check Nikos Laios' eBOOK, HERE!

The rise of the two-screen audience by Felix Laursen

There was a time when watching a movie demanded complete attention. The lights dimmed, distractions disappeared and audiences surrendered themselves to the story unfolding before them. Today, however, a growing number of viewers are watching films and television shows with subtitles switched on while simultaneously scrolling through a phone, tablet, or laptop. It is a habit that would have horrified many directors a generation ago. Yet it has become one of the defining realities of modern entertainment.

The subtitle boom is often discussed as an accessibility success story, and it certainly is. But its popularity extends far beyond viewers with hearing difficulties. Millions now watch everything with captions because they are consuming stories in environments filled with interruptions. The television competes with notifications, text messages, social media feeds, online shopping, and endless digital chatter. Subtitles function as a safety net. They allow viewers to keep track of dialogue even when their eyes drift elsewhere.

This is not necessarily a sign of declining intelligence or shrinking attention spans. Rather, it reflects the way technology has reshaped daily life. People have become accustomed to processing multiple streams of information at once. The smartphone is no longer a separate device. It is an extension of modern existence. Expecting audiences to abandon it completely for two hours may be increasingly unrealistic.

The consequence is that storytelling itself is changing. Directors and producers may not love the reality, but many are adapting to it. Dialogue is becoming clearer and more direct. Key plot points are often repeated in different ways to ensure they are not missed. Visual storytelling remains important, but creators are also aware that many viewers may be listening as much as they are watching.

Television has arguably adjusted more quickly than cinema. Streaming platforms measure audience behavior with extraordinary precision. They know when viewers pause, rewind, abandon episodes, or binge entire seasons. As a result, many series now employ stronger hooks before commercial breaks or episode endings. The goal is simple: pull wandering attention back to the screen before it escapes entirely.

Even cinematography is feeling the impact. Fast-moving visual clues that might once have rewarded attentive viewers are sometimes balanced with more explicit explanations. Some directors are embracing bold visual styles, striking color palettes, and memorable imagery that can cut through the clutter of competing screens. If viewers are only looking up periodically, every glance must count.

There is, of course, a cultural cost. Movies were once among the few experiences that demanded sustained concentration. Great films often rely on subtle details, facial expressions, and visual rhythms that cannot be fully appreciated while simultaneously checking sports scores or responding to group chats. A divided audience inevitably experiences a diminished version of the art.

Yet lamenting the change will not reverse it. The two-screen audience is not a temporary phase. It is the product of a digital culture built around constant connection and endless information. The most successful directors will be those who recognize this reality without surrendering entirely to it. Their challenge is not merely to compete with the phone. It is to create stories so compelling that viewers eventually place the second screen face down and forget it exists.

That may be the ultimate measure of cinematic success in the twenty-first century.


2nd opinion! 26#10 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

Seriously, a human hater self-centred agoraphobic in quarantine!
I think you’ll need a second opinion after this.

For more 2nd opinion, quarantined!, HERE!
For more Ovi Cartoons, HERE!


An old squabble in new uniforms by Marja Heikkinen

Israel insists that its campaigns in Gaza and Lebanon are about security, not conquest. The stated objective is straightforward enough, destroy organizations that have spent years launching rockets, organizing attacks and openly declaring their desire to eliminate the Jewish state. After the horrors of October 7 many Israelis concluded that deterrence had failed and that merely containing militant groups was no longer an option. From that perspective, the war is not a geopolitical choice but a grim necessity.

Yet history has a way of intruding on military logic. The question hanging over the region is whether Israel is truly eliminating its enemies or merely participating in another cycle that has defined the conflict for generations. Terrorist organizations can be weakened, their leaders killed, their infrastructure shattered. Armies are very good at destroying things. They are often less successful at destroying ideas, identities, grievances and the political ecosystems that produce armed movements in the first place.

One does not need to romanticize Hamas or Hezbollah to recognize this dilemma. Organizations built around militancy frequently survive devastating losses. They mutate, fragment, rebrand, recruit new generations and return under different names. The Middle East is littered with examples of movements declared defeated only to reappear in altered forms a decade later. Military victory and political resolutions are not the same thing.

This is where another, a more uncomfortable question emerges. Critics of Israel argue that the war cannot be viewed separately from the broader issue of territory and settlement expansion. They point to the steady growth of Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank and to statements by some nationalist politicians who speak openly about permanent Israeli control over Palestinian lands. To these observers, the conflict begins to resemble a familiar historical pattern, a stronger power defeating armed resistance while simultaneously expanding its footprint.

That accusation is fiercely rejected by many Israelis, who note that Gaza was not settled in the years leading up to the current war and that the immediate military objectives are directed at armed groups rather than territorial acquisition. They see comparisons to imperial expansion as simplistic and often blind to the genuine security threats Israel faces.

Still, perceptions matter in politics almost as much as facts on the ground. Every new settlement announcement, every provocative statement from an extremist politician, every image suggesting permanence where temporary security measures were promised, strengthens the argument of those who believe the conflict is about more than terrorism.

The tragedy is that both narratives contain elements that resonate. Israel faces real enemies committed to violence. Palestinians face a reality in which land, movement, and sovereignty remain deeply contested. Each side can point to evidence supporting its fears. Each side can produce a catalogue of historical wounds.

The result is a conflict trapped between military necessity and historical memory. Israel may succeed in severely damaging Hamas and Hezbollah. It may even achieve periods of relative calm. But if the underlying political questions remain unanswered, today's victory could become tomorrow's prelude.

History rarely repeats itself exactly. It prefers variations on old themes. The danger for everyone involved is that this war may eventually be remembered not as the end of a threat, but as another chapter in a story that neither side has yet figured out how to conclude.


My Johannesburg, many years ago, many moons ago Kite #Poem by Abigail George

 

I get into his car
There’s no invasion of Ukraine yet
No bombardment on Kyiv
No Zelensky in a bunker
No Russian tanks in Donbas
No drones flying overhead in a field
There’s no turning back

There’s no Palestine on the news
Or even in the newspapers
There’s no talk of the fall of Gaza or Gaza in ruins
No children’s bodies under rubble
No funerals in the what used to be city streets
No displacement
No school in a refugee camp
Or choir
Or musician with a string instrument
No refugee camps in Sudan yet
No just a dense sea of bodies, just black holes not yet
I get into his car
But I don’t know where I’m going
I have no idea where I’m going
Where he’s going to take me
I put my safety belt on
But I don’t feel safe
He doesn’t say anything
I don’t say anything
I put my hand on his knee
To steady myself
To get a grip on the situation
I’m in his car
I don’t know where I’m going
I wait for the robot to turn green
I focus on the woman
In the next car
Her child on the backseat
The child stares back at me
The dog pokes its head out of the
Window to get a better look
How did I get here?
Mandela is free
South Africa is a democracy
But I don’t feel free
What will my father say, think?
I’m in the man’s car. The man who is older,
in his late thirties or early to mid-forties
I don’t know where I’m going
I’m scared

The gift of empty space by Jemma Norman

There are only two possibilities when a political leader steadily surrenders ground to a rival. Either it is part of a grand strategy or it...