Rent oddity by Jennifer Stephenson

Europe likes to believe that its political crises are about ideology, immigration, security, climate or the endless argument over Brussels. Increasingly, they are about something much more primitive: where people are going to live.

Spain has just provided another ugly warning. Housing decrees intended to protect vulnerable tenants, restrain rent increases and put some limits on the increasingly aggressive property market were defeated in parliament. The political arithmetic may be complicated. The social arithmetic is not. People cannot afford their homes, and governments cannot afford to ignore them.

This is where Europe's housing crisis becomes something much bigger than a dispute about rents. It becomes a crisis of democracy. For decades, European governments encouraged citizens to treat property as the safest form of retirement, family security and personal wealth. Housing became not merely somewhere to live but an investment, a pension substitute and a financial asset. Entire generations were told to buy property and watch its value rise.

And it worked. For those who already owned a home. The problem is that every successful property market eventually creates a political class with something to lose. Older homeowners want their houses to retain and increase their value. Investors want reliable returns. Landlords want higher rents. Developers want fewer restrictions. Banks want healthy mortgages. Politicians want all of them as voters.

Then there are the young. They want a home. That apparently has become the unreasonable demand. The European social model has walked directly into this trap. Governments are expected to protect citizens from unaffordable housing while simultaneously protecting the property economy that makes housing unaffordable. They are trying to be referee and bookmaker at the same time.

Spain exposes the contradiction brutally. A government can promise tenant protection, but parliament can kill it. A government can promise affordable housing, but municipalities can struggle to build enough. Politicians can denounce speculation, but property remains one of the easiest ways to accumulate wealth. Everyone knows there is a problem. Nobody wants to pay the political price for fixing it.

So the crisis gets postponed. And postponed crises become political explosives. The most dangerous consequence is not that young Spaniards, Swedes, Germans, Greeks or French citizens become angry about rent. It is that they begin to conclude that democratic politics is incapable of representing their basic interests.

That is exactly the sort of vacuum the far right loves. When a twenty-five-year-old works full-time and still cannot afford an ordinary apartment, telling that person to be patient while somebody else owns three properties is not social policy. It is political suicide. When governments lecture young people about responsibility while housing consumes an absurd proportion of their income, they should not be surprised when those young people stop listening.

And there is another hypocrisy here. Europe constantly worries about its ageing population and falling birth rates. Yet it has constructed housing markets in which starting a family increasingly resembles a luxury purchase.

Build affordable homes and suddenly demographic policy becomes more than a speech. The answer is not simply rent controls. Nor is it simply more construction. Europe needs both supply and protection, alongside serious public housing, taxation that discourages speculative hoarding and political courage strong enough to challenge the idea that every square metre of housing must produce maximum private profit.

Housing is infrastructure. It is as fundamental to a functioning society as schools, hospitals, roads and electricity. Spain's parliamentary revolt should therefore be read beyond Spain. When governments begin collapsing, weakening or becoming politically paralysed over housing, the message is brutally simple: Europe has allowed shelter to become a commodity before remembering that it is a human necessity.

And when democracy cannot guarantee people a place to live, people eventually start asking what democracy is for. That question is far more dangerous than any rent bill.


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Rent oddity by Jennifer Stephenson

Europe likes to believe that its political crises are about ideology, immigration, security, climate or the endless argument over Brussels....