The empire fantasies return by Robert Perez

There was a revealing moment buried inside Delcy Rodríguez’s sharp dismissal of Donald Trump’s latest geopolitical improvisation. Venezuela, she said, is “not a colony, but a free country.” In normal times, such a statement would sound unnecessary, almost absurdly obvious. Nations are not real estate listings. Sovereignty is not a branding exercise. Yet here we are, in an era where a former American president can casually muse about turning another country into the 51st state and still command headlines instead of psychiatric referrals.

Trump’s remark about “seriously considering” Venezuela as part of the United States was likely intended as spectacle. Everything in Trumpism eventually bends toward spectacle. But the disturbing part is not the theatrical exaggeration. It is the worldview underneath it: the old imperial instinct disguised as modern populism.

The logic appears painfully simple. Venezuela has enormous oil reserves. Venezuela is politically unstable. America is powerful. Therefore, why not imagine ownership?

That may sound cartoonish, but history is filled with powerful countries convincing themselves that conquest was merely pragmatism with better marketing. Great powers have always found elegant language for ugly ambitions. They speak of stability, security, partnership and destiny when what they often mean is control.

Rodríguez, no saint herself, understood the symbolism immediately. That is why her response focused not on economics or diplomacy, but dignity. Latin America has spent two centuries resisting the shadow of foreign domination, particularly from Washington. From coups to interventions to economic coercion, the region carries a long memory. Trump’s offhand rhetoric tears open that memory like an old scar.

There is also something deeply contradictory about this fantasy of annexation coming from the same political movement that endlessly warns about immigration, cultural dilution and the supposed collapse of American identity. Venezuela has roughly 30 million people, a distinct political culture, and immense poverty challenges. If statehood were remotely serious, it would instantly become the largest integration project in modern American history. The same voices demanding walls would suddenly inherit an entire nation.

And then comes the constitutional absurdity. The United States cannot simply absorb sovereign countries because a president thinks it sounds bold during a phone interview. America is not a medieval kingdom acquiring territory through dynastic impulse. Or at least it is not supposed to be.

But perhaps the larger issue is psychological. Trump increasingly speaks about the world as though borders exist primarily for America’s convenience. Greenland. Panama. Canada. Now Venezuela. The pattern matters. These are not isolated jokes; they reflect a transactional understanding of sovereignty itself. If a place is strategically useful, resource-rich or geographically attractive, then its independence becomes negotiable.

That is precisely the kind of thinking the post-World War II international order was designed to restrain.

The irony is that America’s greatest global strength was never territorial expansion. It was the ability to inspire imitation without occupation. Countries once admired the United States because it represented constitutional stability, democratic confidence and restraint in power. Floating fantasies about annexing foreign nations makes America sound less like a republic and more like a casino owner eyeing neighboring properties.

Rodríguez was right about one thing: Venezuela is not a colony. The fact that this even needed saying should worry Americans as much as Venezuelans


#eBook Nonviolent MANIFESTO by David Sparenberg

 

Provocations of Ecology, Spirituality & Politics at a Higher Octave.
The majority of compositions in this book are collected out of my 2025 OVI eBooks.

There are, however, some new prose pieces, which include A Page from Gandalf’s Notebook, Methane In a Bell Jar, the title composition Manifesto, and Radical, as well as some new poems, including Prayer, Women, Save and The Gospel of Creation.

If you are only going to read one book in the next six months, let this be your choice. Reading can be quick and easily referenced. The word count is small. Thought content communicates experiential wealth and may provide reflections of enduring value.

David Sparenberg is a humanitarian and eco poet, essayist, storyteller, a World Citizen and advocate for democracy, who lives in Seattle, WA in the Pacific Northwest of the United States.

Ovi eBook Publishing 2026

Nonviolent MANIFESTO

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For the Drug Addict In A Global Scenario by Abigail George

We are living in a Renaissance, the African Renaissance. Attachment to the anticipation for the future arises from having high levels of a false construct that is held deeply within our core, where our personality resides, and rooted in our consciousness. Addiction arises from need, the need for freedom. The addict needs love. They get unconditional love, self–worth, a feeling of no regrets, self-love, love of self that is unselfish, all-encompassing kind of love and self-acceptance from the ‘fix’. The addict needs to feel accepted despite the mistakes they have made in the past. If and when the past does not exist for the addict they feel safe.

They begin to self-regulate their nervous and auto-immune system. The addict wants control. They want to control the high, the elation they receive from the substance they are consuming recklessly, without any thought to the injury they are doing to their brain. Does the addict live in the past, constantly bringing up painful memories from a conditioned childhood that they had no control over? It is a form of insanity to live in the past. This is a simple and profound statement that leads to understanding what Deepak Chopra said, that addiction has to do with karma. All humanity has a higher intelligence.

This exists in the animal world as well. You cannot escape now. The addict exists in the past. They relive past trauma, adverse childhood experience. There is an attempt to control the pain, the thoughts of the environment they found themselves in as a child where the trauma took place, the persons who hurt them as a child, adolescent or adult. Addiction arises from the mentality and mindset of having not received access to love from the same-sex parent or either parent and not having received adequate care, concern and unconditional love from parent, authority figures like a teacher, uncle, aunt, grandmother or grandfather, elder, church leader. Nobody asks what the addict needs. The addict requires a life of intention. They need to cultivate habits that will restore and renew good health, a sound mind and body. They understand on a subtle level that addiction will lead to their downfall in society, overdose and even death.

Therapy can lead to a happier existence for the addict, talk therapy, joining a support group, receiving support from a loving and attentive partner who is an effective listener, and believing in a religion. They need the company of a good friend or friends that they can participate in meaningful activities with who is also an effective listener and who offers them support. There are tools that are instrumental for our survival and communication. For example, our thoughts, emotions and feelings are part and parcel of that survival.

The now is what we experience in the present tense, the fleeting moment that  is gone in a second and that can never be replaced. Change and transformation can take place in the drug addict’s life but only with the loyal support of their family. Isolating the drug addict will never work because they too need a community (see promiscuity, sexual misbehavior, rape, sodomy, homosexuality, gangs, gangsterism and gun violence). Religion also has its role to play in the foundation and education of the psychological framework of the individual. Healing and recovery can take place. It is the addiction that is the residual effect of abnormal thinking, incorrect habits cultivated over time and brain damage. The addict’s brain is indeed damaged and not just by the abuse of substances but by not adopting society’s norms and not living by and accepting religious values and views, and ideas.

The notion of time is ever-present at the back of our minds as we, the human race, humanity, chart our course in this world. The world a drug addict lives in is a world that is unpredictable. The addict feels unsafe, deeply unloved, misunderstood, misrepresented, rejected, isolated and alienated from his peer group, his contemporaries. They face self-doubt and insecurity on a daily basis. For the most part they are unemployed, although there are individuals who suffer from and crave illegal substances who try to go out into the world and seek gainful employment. There is a stigma that exists in modern society against a drug addict in recovery. People feel they cannot trust a drug addict and that they haven’t really changed. They are just going to steal to support their drug addiction.

With aging comes grace and acceptance. Acceptance is a key equivalent to love, and so are accepting our past, accepting our shared history with family members, siblings, parents, aunts and uncles and cousins. I believe there is a genetic code within all of us that pre-empts what is going to happen in our lives but nevertheless human choice, individual choice, and the choice of the collective, the choices we make, whether good or bad, choices that give us, our brain, our physical bodies cellular networks, our psychological framework and network negative or positive feedback can also inspire the lives we lead at the end of the day.

What the drug addict wishes to do by taking, imbibing, consuming, injecting, abusing the illegal substance or buying over the counter prescription medication is to mask, veil, cover the trauma they were exposed to, experienced or witnessed, whether it was verbal, emotional, physical or sexual assault. I state this explicitly. The community can help. It starts with the family unit. Listening, accepting, talking, not rejecting, and not isolating the drug addict, because isolation can result in suicide ideation, relapse and hospitalization (a long period away from home). The drug addict comes from a dysfunctional family unit/background, a weak family unit. The drug addict possesses intelligence. They know and sometimes acknowledge that they are harming themselves. Addiction affects the entire family.


Fulani bandits and the new found gold by Tunde Akande

It’s no longer a joke; the Fulani bandits have made possible what the Yoruba thought was not possible. In broad daylight, they raided Oriire Community near Ogbomoso in Oyo State and carted away a school principal, two vice principals, three teachers, and about 39 pupils ages 5 to 12 years. For so long, the Yoruba of South West Nigeria thought of banditry as a distant dream that could only happen in the far away North East, North West, and the middle belt. But now the war has been brought to their doors.

The Fulani who retreated when Ibadan fought and defeated them at Osogbo are back, and this time smoking. The war is not about occupation or about religion; it is about money. The Fulani bandits have found gold, and this expensive mineral is all over Nigeria. They have located a very lucrative industry that still locates them in the forest but provides them with money in a quantity that their forefathers never dreamt of.

When they began experimenting with raids in Ondo State, the governor of Ondo State, the late Rotimi Akeredolu, pushed them back ferociously. Akeredolu was ready to break the Constitution to achieve defense for the Yoruba; he was ready to defy the rule that a state can’t have its own police, a thing that the Fulani government of late Muhammadu Buhari used to begin a gradual Fulaniization of Nigeria. For Buhari, conquering the proud Yoruba with his Fulani was a delight.

Akeredolu was ready to create a force and arm it with guns to fight off these invaders that Buhari was ready to subtly encourage. Akeredolu got his colleagues in Yoruba states together to form Amotekun to engage in this battle. Amotekun would not carry sophisticated arms, but it could use what the head hunter of Ibadan forces, Balogun Oderinlo, used to defeat the Fulani; Amotekun could use juju. Young boys were recruited, and they began the fight. The Fulani bandits were pushed back, but only for a time. Akeredolu died, and his colleagues went to sleep. Amotekun were soon occupied with other duties that were not in their callings when Akeredolu conceived the force. They began to follow the governors in their tours, follow the governors’ wives, and were used to harassing thugs of opposing parties. The gap thus created gave the Fulani bandits time to observe and plan.

When they raided Oriire local government, they signaled that they were ready to take on all of the Southwest, Amotekun notwithstanding. Oriire is one of the five local government areas of Ogbomoso. Ogbomosho is one of the five cities in Oyo State. Once Ogbomosho was captured, the Fulani signaled that no city or town or village in the Southwest would be difficult for them to capture.

When the insurgents and the bandits got to the Yoruba area of Kwara State, the governors of the Yoruba states got together to, as they told the people, map out a strategy to defend themselves. They displayed some braggadocio, but it was no more than that. They posted videos of each of them talking tough, warning the invaders to steer clear of the southwest. They told the people they had acquired drones and were ready to fish the invaders out of the Yoruba forests. They were battle ready. But the recent raid in Oriire in Ogbomoso has made a lie of their braggadocio; it was no more than propaganda and a lie. In broad daylight, the bandits carted away pupils and teachers not through the deserts of Katsina and Zamfara states but through the thick forests of Ogbomoso. The drones of the governors, if ever there were any, did not pick the bandits.

The Oyo State government issued propaganda that the bandits have been trapped within the forests of the National Park and there is no way of escape for them to the neighboring states. But the bandits have continued to post footage of their captives… appealing to the Federal Government of President Bola Tinubu, the Oyo State government of Seyi Makinde, the president of the Christian Association of Nigeria, and the Nigerian people to come to their rescue and resolve the matter peacefully. Peacefully was added for effect. Any attempt to try anything funny with the government forces will be calamitous.

The bandits’ messages were targeted at the federal government, the Oyo State government, and the CAN. Obviously the bandits know these governments have a lot of cash. APC governors have allegedly just contributed 800 billion naira to President Tinubu’s campaign fund, so they want their own cut from the largesse. The bandits also know that the churches are bulging at the seams with money, which they generate from their church members, and the bandits also want their cuts.

Seyi Makinde, governor of Oyo State, is the new kid on the block. The latest revelation in the country. He will soon finish his eight-year tenure in the state, and he wants immediately to become president. Seyi Makinde cannot even wait for Tinubu to finish his two terms; he wants to replace him immediately. The bandits must have calculated that the only thing that could have given Makinde that kind of audacity was a huge cash in his hand.

In Nigeria, being in politics means being in much money. President Tinubu has been giving so much money he got from the removal of the oil subsidy to the governors, and Seyi Makinde must have gotten a lot too. If Seyi Makinde will not willingly share with them, he must be made by some force to part with some cash. Seyi Makinde cannot but bow to the demands of these bandits. Tinubu himself, through his NSA, Nuhu Ribadu, had bowed many times.

Seyi Makinde announced his presidential ambition at a rally tagged “mega” just a day before the invasion. Seyi Makinde must remember the men in the bush too. If Tinubu and Seyi Makinde do not send their children to school and if they do not give them medical attention, they must send ransom to them in the bush to take care of these needs. In Nigeria, the doctrine is “each man for himself, God for us all.”

The Fulani have come full circle. Gradually they are abandoning their cattle herding, which does not provide them much but leaves them in the forests with all the attendant dangers. Their elites can continue to dominate government and politics in the cities; they will be king in the forest. They will use their knowledge of the terrain to make money for themselves and their family. If Tinubu wants, they can send him taxes from the forests; they are good citizens too. They will settle their families in the cities and take the huge cash they make to them in the cities. With their dominance in the forests and the dominance of their elites in the cities, the vision of their progenitor, Ahmadu Bello, is realized. Shi ke nan!.

First Published in METRO

***********************

Tunde Akande is both a journalist and pastor. He earned a Master's degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos.


fARTissimo #027 #cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

fARTissimo is what people do not see when they see a piece of expression
but what they project in what they think they see.

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When Politics Breeds Hate, Sacred Spaces Bleed Fear by Javed Akbar

The tragedy near the Islamic Center of San Diego is not merely another entry in America’s grim ledger of mass shootings. Reports indicate the gunmen never breached the mosque complex itself and were later found dead nearby from apparent self-inflicted wounds. Yet for the Muslim families who gathered there — and for the children attending the Islamic day school on the premises — such technical distinctions offer no refuge. Fear does not negotiate in geography. It settles in the body, in memory, in the silence before stepping out the door.

To treat this as an isolated burst of violence is to misunderstand the pattern. The United States has grown disturbingly accustomed to mass shootings in schools, churches, synagogues, concerts, and shopping malls. But when the target is a mosque, the act does not emerge from a vacuum of randomness alone. It is incubated in a cultural atmosphere where anti-Muslim suspicion has been steadily normalized, repackaged as politics, and laundered through the language of security, patriotism, and “civilization.”

The May 18 incident near the Islamic Center of San Diego is now being investigated as a possible hate crime. Early reports suggest the assailants were teenagers influenced by anti-Muslim rhetoric and generalized hate ideology. A security guard who attempted to intervene was killed. Children were evacuated in panic. These are not just statistics; they are fragments of a society’s moral failure.

And this failure is not new.

In Canada, the memory of the 2017 Quebec City mosque shooting still lingers as a national wound. Six worshippers were murdered during evening prayers — men who had come seeking nothing more radical than peace and community. Then came the 2021 attack in London, Ontario, where four members of a Muslim family were deliberately run down in an act of targeted violence that orphaned a child and shocked a country that often prides itself on tolerance.

These are not disconnected tragedies. They form a continuum.

Mosques across North America have endured bomb threats, vandalism, harassment, and armed intimidation. Muslim women wearing hijab describe navigating public spaces with a constant awareness of vulnerability. Parents quietly calculate risk before sending children to religious classes. A sanctuary, by definition, should not require security assessments.

The deeper danger lies in how such hostility becomes thinkable. Hate does not begin with violence; it begins with permission. And permission is often granted not by fringe actors alone, but by the steady drip of political and media rhetoric that reduces an entire faith to a problem to be managed.

The normalization of anti-Muslim narrative accelerated dramatically after Donald Trump entered political stage in 2015, transforming suspicion of Muslims from fringe discourse into mainstream political currency.

Demonization of Muslims reached a peak when calls for banning Muslims from entering the country entered mainstream political discourse. Even when softened later, the underlying message lingered: suspicion is acceptable, exclusion is defensible, fear is rational.

Words matter more than their speakers often admit.

No serious argument suggests that political rhetoric directly loads a gun. But it is intellectually dishonest to deny that sustained demonization alters the moral weather. It lowers the threshold of empathy. It tells the unstable that their fears are shared, their anger justified, and their fantasies of “defense” socially intelligible.

There is also a troubling asymmetry in public response. When perpetrators are Muslim, entire communities are subjected to interrogation, as though collective guilt were self-evident. When Muslims are victims, the language shifts: “isolated incident,” “mental health crisis,” “tragedy without context.” The imbalance is not merely semantic. It shapes whose suffering is politicized and whose is quietly absorbed.

This is not only a Muslim concern. It is a democratic one. A society in which people fear their places of worship is a society in which civic trust is already eroding. Democracy does not collapse only through coups or constitutional crises; it erodes when fear becomes routine and belonging becomes conditional.

Canada and the United States now face a clear test. They can either confront anti-Muslim hatred with the same moral urgency applied to other forms of extremism, or continue treating it as ambient background noise — regrettable, periodic, but ultimately tolerable.

Condemnation after each tragedy is no longer sufficient. What is required is political discipline: a refusal to weaponize identity for electoral gain; a media culture that resists outrage as spectacle; and digital platforms that acknowledge their role in accelerating ideological radicalization.

Above all, there must be a cultural insistence on one principle: no group should be rendered suspect by default.

Because history is unambiguous on one point. When people are repeatedly described as alien, dangerous, or incompatible, it is only a matter of time before someone decides that elimination is a form of clarity.

The families affected in San Diego deserve more than condolences. They deserve an honest reckoning with the climate that made their fear predictable.

And Muslim communities across North America deserve something that should never have been in question: the simple, fundamental right to gather, to pray, and to live without looking over their shoulder.


Javed Akbar is a freelance writer whose opinion columns have appeared in Toronto Star and numerous digital platforms. He can be reached at: mjavedakbar@gmail.com


The corruption wound Zelensky cannot close by Marja Heikkinen

For more than two years, President Volodymyr Zelensky has carried the moral burden of presenting Ukraine not merely as a nation under siege, but as a nation worthy of rescue. Western taxpayers, European governments and American lawmakers did not only send weapons and aid because Russia invaded. They sent them because Ukraine promised something larger, a democratic future free from the oligarchic rot that poisoned the country for decades.

That is why the latest corruption allegations surrounding Andriy Yermak strike deeper than another ordinary political scandal. They reopen an old wound Ukrainians thought they had finally begun to cauterize.

War changes the political rules of a country. Citizens forgive shortages, delays and emergency powers when missiles are falling. But corruption is different. Corruption during wartime feels like theft not only of money, but of sacrifice itself. Every soldier in a muddy trench, every grieving mother and every exhausted taxpayer abroad inevitably asks the same corrosive question: who is still getting rich while the country bleeds?

The allegations connected to a luxury $10.5 million construction project outside Kyiv are politically devastating precisely because of their symbolism. Luxury. Millions. Elite connections. It is the visual vocabulary of the very Ukraine Zelensky vowed to dismantle when he rose from comedian to anti-establishment president in 2019.

And perhaps the cruelest irony is that Zelensky genuinely did change Ukraine’s political culture in meaningful ways. He helped modernize state institutions, strengthened international alliances and gave the country an image of resilience unimaginable a decade ago. His wartime leadership transformed him into the embodiment of Ukrainian defiance. But corruption scandals possess a unique power: they flatten nuance. One accusation can overshadow a hundred reforms.

For Ukraine’s enemies, this is a propaganda gift. The Kremlin has long insisted that Ukraine is merely another corrupt post-Soviet state wearing democratic clothing for Western audiences. Every fresh scandal allows Moscow to whisper, see, nothing has changed.

But the greater danger lies not in Russian talking points. It lies in exhaustion among Ukraine’s allies. Democracies are emotional creatures. Public support depends not only on strategy but on trust. Americans and Europeans may continue supporting Ukraine militarily while quietly losing faith politically. That erosion rarely happens dramatically. It happens gradually, through headlines that accumulate like water leaking through a ceiling.

Zelensky now faces the hardest challenge of wartime leadership: proving that patriotism is not immunity. If Ukraine’s anti-corruption institutions are real, they must be allowed to investigate powerful figures without interference, intimidation or political theater. Otherwise, the message becomes unmistakable, corruption is punished only until it approaches the presidential inner circle.

Ukraine’s tragedy is that it cannot afford even the appearance of moral failure. Countries fighting for survival survive partly on belief, belief from allies, investors, soldiers and citizens. Once doubt enters the bloodstream, it spreads quietly.

The battlefield may still define Ukraine’s territorial future. But scandals like this one threaten something equally important, the country’s democratic credibility. And unlike damaged buildings, trust is far harder to rebuild once shattered.


The Maltese falcon of federal law enforcement #thoughts by Theodore K. Nasos

There are ordinary government officials, and then there are government officials who apparentKashly travel the globe carrying personalized bourbon bottles engraved with “Ka$h Patel” and an FBI badge like they’re promotional energy drinks at a monster truck rally. Somewhere between international diplomacy and a fraternity reunion gone catastrophically off the rails, Patel seems to have created an entirely new branch of federal image management: Alcoholic Branding Operations.

According to stunned witnesses and likely several deeply exhausted interns, Patel has been distributing this “boozy merch” everywhere from the Milan Winter Olympics to FBI training seminars led by Ultimate Fighting Championship athletes. Because naturally, when Americans think “measured federal professionalism,” they think of cage fighters and custom liquor bottles with dollar signs in the name.

One can only imagine the scene at the Olympics. Elite athletes from around the world competing at the highest level while Patel roams the corridors like a suburban Gatsby, pressing bourbon bottles into the hands of confused diplomats.

“Compliments of Ka$h.” Nothing says “international stability” quite like a federal official handing out whiskey branded like a SoundCloud rapper who just discovered cryptocurrency.

But the true masterpiece came during the FBI seminar involving UFC athletes, a sentence that already sounds like it was generated by an AI trained exclusively on protein powder advertisements and congressional hearings. Somewhere between armbar demonstrations and lectures about tactical awareness, disaster struck: one of the bourbon bottles vanished.

And Patel reportedly lost his entire mind. Not mildly irritated. Not “please check the conference room.” No. This became a full-scale national security event. Staff members allegedly watched in horror as the missing liquor bottle transformed into the Zapruder film of office scandals.

Who took it?
Why?
Was it foreign espionage?
Was the bottle compromised?
Had America’s enemies finally penetrated the sacred bourbon perimeter?

According to accounts, Patel threatened polygraph tests to uncover the culprit. Polygraphs. Over a bottle of vanity whiskey. Somewhere, actual FBI agents investigating organized crime probably paused mid-surveillance to whisper, “Wait, this is what resources are being used for?”

Imagine being the poor staffer trapped in that interrogation.

“Where were you between 8:14 and 8:17 PM?”
“Sir, I was getting ice.”
“For the bourbon?”
“Yes.”
“So you admit involvement.”

At this point the missing bottle had clearly evolved beyond alcohol. It had become symbolic, the One Bourbon to Rule Them All. A sacred artifact. The Declaration of Independrinks.

Meanwhile, terrified aides likely began searching trash cans, ceiling vents, and possibly each other’s luggage while trying to avoid eye contact with a man unraveling over engraved liquor.

And honestly, the engraving itself raises questions. Why “Ka$h”? Why the dollar sign? It gives less “senior federal authority” and more “regional nightclub owner who definitely knows a guy named Vinny.” The branding sounds like a celebrity-endorsed cinnamon whiskey available exclusively at gas stations next to expired beef jerky.

The darkestly funny part is that somewhere deep inside the FBI, a room full of serious career professionals probably had to discuss this with straight faces.

“Director, we have a situation.”
“Cyberattack?”
“No.”
“Terror threat?”
“Worse.”
“The Ka$h bottle is missing.”

At which point every ancestor of J. Edgar Hoover collectively rose from their graves just long enough to die again.


Ma-Siri & Co #123 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

Ma-Siri is a mother, a grandmother and a very active social life,
searching for the meaning of life among other things and her glasses.

For more Ma-Siri & Alexa, HERE!
For more Ovi Cartoons, HERE!


Why the RSS Is Wooing the West as India’s Democratic Fabric Frays By Habib Siddiqui

In recent months, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) – the ideological parent of India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) – has intensified its outreach efforts in the United States and Europe. Senior RSS functionaries have been meeting lawmakers, think-tank analysts, and diaspora groups in Washington, London, Berlin, and Brussels. The timing is not coincidental. It reflects a strategic attempt to shape global perceptions at a moment when India’s democratic credentials are under unprecedented scrutiny.

At the heart of this campaign lies a simple question: What is the RSS trying to achieve abroad while the situation for minorities at home continues to deteriorate?

The answer begins with the growing international concern about India’s human-rights trajectory. For the sixth consecutive year, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has recommended that India be designated a Country of Particular Concern – a label reserved for the world’s most severe violators of religious freedom. In its latest report, USCIRF urged the U.S. government to adopt a firmer stance: to impose targeted sanctions on individuals and entities, including India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and the RSS, for their role in or tolerance of serious violations; to link future security cooperation and trade engagement with measurable improvements in religious freedom; and to enforce Section 6 of the Arms Export Control Act to halt arms sales to India in light of continued intimidation and harassment of U.S. citizens and religious minorities..

Reports from independent watchdogs, academic institutions, and civil-society groups consistently document rising hate speech, mob violence, and targeted intimidation and lynching of Muslims, Christians, and Dalits.One example is the work of India Hate Lab, which monitors, documents, and analyzes hate speech, disinformation, and conspiracy theories targeting religious minorities both online and offline. Its 2025 report recorded 1,318 hate‑speech events across 21 states, one union territory, and the National Capital Territory of Delhi – an average of four incidents per day. This represents a 13 percent increase from 2024 and a staggering 97 percent increase from 2023, when 668 such incidents were documented. As expected, states governed by the BJP accounted for 88 percent of these events. Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Madhya Pradesh topped the list with 266, 193, and 172 incidents, respectively.

The 2025 Report, released on January 13, 2026, says: “Patterns of inflammatory rhetoric in 2025, benchmarked against earlier years,  revealed a steady progression toward more overt incitement. The report notes the persistent prevalence of dangerous speech (defined as speech that elevates the risk of violence) with political leaders and far-right figures openly using dehumanizing language, urging economic boycotts, calling for the destruction of minority-owned properties and places of worship, and issuing explicit appeals for Hindus to arm themselves given the threat of Muslims… As in the preceding year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) affiliates such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Bajrang Dal were central drivers of in-person hate speech events.”

Against this backdrop, the RSS’s global charm offensive is best understood as an image-management exercise. India aspires to a permanent seat on the UN Security Council and seeks deeper strategic partnerships with Western democracies. But reputational damage threatens these ambitions. The RSS’s international campaign aims to reassure Western policymakers that India remains a stable, pluralistic democracy – even as evidence on the ground suggests otherwise.

The RSS insists it is merely a cultural organization devoted to social service and national unity. Yet its influence on Indian governance is unmistakable. Many of the BJP’s most senior leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, were trained in the RSS from their youth. The organization’s worldview – rooted in the ideology of Hindutva, often described by scholars as a form of Hindu civilizational nationalism and, by some critics, as exhibiting features of Hindu fascism – shapes policy, public discourse, and institutional behavior..

To describe the RSS as “cultural” is to overlook its political reach. It provides ideological direction, cadre training, and grassroots mobilization. The BJP, in turn, provides the political power to implement that vision. The two function as parallel arms of the same movement, even if they maintain a formal separation on paper. This symbiosis is central to understanding India’s current political trajectory.

Critics argue that the consequences of this ideological alignment are visible in the lived experiences of India’s minorities. The rise in hate speech and vigilante violence is not an abstract claim; it is documented across multiple states and corroborated by journalists, scholars, and human-rights organizations. Genocide Watch and other atrocity-prevention experts warn that India exhibits several indicators of the early stages of genocide or mass-atrocity processes. Genocide is not a sudden eruption of violence; it is a process marked by dehumanization, impunity, and the steady normalization of hate that makes mass violence thinkable.

In a country where nearly 300 million people belong to minority communities, the stakes could not be higher.

The RSS’s international outreach must therefore be read in the context of this domestic reality. Western governments are increasingly aware of the contradictions between India’s democratic self-presentation and its internal policies. The situation in Kashmir, the use of bulldozer demolitions against Muslim neighborhoods, the shrinking space for dissent, and the prosecution of journalists and activists all raise serious questions about the health of India’s democracy.

More recently, allegations of transnational repression – including attempts to target Sikh activists abroad – have further strained India’s credibility. These developments complicate the RSS’s efforts to portray India as a responsible global actor committed to pluralism and rule of law.

So what message is the RSS trying to convey to Western policymakers? At its core, the organization seeks to reassure the world that India remains a reliable partner – economically, strategically, and ideologically. It wants to counter the narrative that India is sliding toward majoritarian authoritarianism. It wants to persuade Western governments that concerns about minority rights are exaggerated or politically motivated. And it wants to ensure that India’s global partnerships remain insulated from domestic criticism.

But trust cannot be manufactured through public-relations campaigns alone. It must be earned through consistent democratic behavior. Western policymakers are not blind to the contradictions between rhetoric and reality. They see the growing polarization, the erosion of institutional independence, and the normalization of hate speech. They see the consequences of a political ideology that seeks to redefine India not as a secular republic but as a Hindu nation.

The RSS’s outreach campaign is, therefore, a defensive maneuver – an attempt to manage perceptions at a time when the world is paying closer attention. But the deeper question is whether India’s leaders are willing to confront the underlying issues that have triggered this scrutiny.

A nation’s global reputation is ultimately shaped not by what its representatives say abroad, but by how it treats its most vulnerable citizens at home.

For India to reclaim its moral authority on the world stage, it must reaffirm its constitutional commitment to equality, secularism, and human dignity. It must ensure that the rights of minorities are protected not only in law but in practice. It must restore the independence of its institutions, safeguard press freedom, and reject the politics of division.

Civil society, both within India and across the diaspora, has a crucial role to play. Scholars, activists, journalists, and community leaders must continue to document abuses, challenge misinformation, and advocate for pluralism. International partners must engage India with honesty and clarity, recognizing both its strategic importance and its democratic responsibilities.

The RSS’s global outreach may succeed in shaping narratives temporarily. But the world is watching India more closely than ever. And no amount of diplomatic charm can obscure the fundamental truth: a democracy is judged by how it treats its minorities. India’s future, its stability, its global standing, and its moral authoritydepends on whether it chooses to uphold that principle.


Dr. Siddiqui is a peace and human rights activist. His forthcoming book – ‘Modi-fied’ India: the Transformation of a Nation – is scheduled for publication by Peter Lang in 2026. This essay draws on the author’s recent interview with Asia One News, Perspectiva.


Lines redrawn, democracy reduced by Timothy Davies

The latest Supreme Court decisions on gerrymandering may not arrive with tanks in the streets or ballots tossed into bonfires, but the effect feels disturbingly similar: the quiet engineering of political power before voters even enter the booth. In modern America, democracy is no longer being challenged only through conspiracy theories or election denialism. It is being weakened through maps, legal doctrines, and judicial permission slips.

For years, partisan gerrymandering has allowed politicians to choose their voters instead of voters choosing their politicians. Districts twist across states like spilled ink, carefully designed to dilute opposition and maximize partisan advantage. What once would have been treated as a national embarrassment is now defended as a normal feature of politics. The danger is not merely unfairness. The danger is permanence.

The Supreme Court’s posture toward these disputes has effectively signaled that federal courts will stand aside while state legislatures aggressively manipulate representation. That decision alone reshapes the battlefield. It tells one party, particularly Republican-controlled legislatures aligned with Donald Trump’s MAGA movement, that there are few meaningful limits left on how political maps can be weaponized.

Supporters call it strategy. Critics call it minority rule dressed in legal language. The deeper issue is not whether Republicans are uniquely ruthless. American politics has always involved power struggles and hardball tactics. The deeper issue is that the system increasingly rewards anti-democratic behavior. When elections can be structurally tilted before campaigns even begin, the public loses faith that voting still carries equal weight.

That erosion of trust is poisonous. In state after state, heavily gerrymandered districts create “safe seats” where the only real political threat comes from extremist primary challengers, not the general electorate. Moderation disappears. Compromise becomes weakness. Politicians no longer fear losing to the other party; they fear losing to louder radicals within their own faction. The result is a Congress and state governments filled with representatives incentivized to inflame rather than govern.

Trumpism thrives in precisely that environment. MAGA politics feeds on grievance, polarization, and institutional distrust. Gerrymandered maps help protect that ecosystem by insulating its candidates from accountability. Even when public opinion shifts nationally, distorted districts can preserve legislative dominance far beyond what actual voter sentiment would suggest. That is why critics increasingly describe these judicial decisions not as neutral constitutional rulings, but as active enablers of democratic backsliding.

The language may sound dramatic, but the consequences are real. A democracy cannot function indefinitely when one side believes elections are rigged by fraud and the other believes elections are rigged by design. Both narratives destroy legitimacy. Both push citizens toward cynicism. And cynicism is the authoritarian’s best ally, because people who stop believing in democratic institutions eventually stop defending them.

The United States still holds elections. Courts still operate. Journalists still criticize power openly. But democratic decline rarely arrives all at once. It advances incrementally, through legal normalization and public exhaustion. Each new precedent lowers the threshold for the next abuse.

What makes this moment unsettling is not simply partisan advantage. It is the growing sense that democratic rules themselves are becoming negotiable depending on who benefits. Once that principle takes hold, the map becomes more important than the voter, and power becomes more important than representation. That is not democratic strength. It is democratic decay.


The empire fantasies return by Robert Perez

There was a revealing moment buried inside Delcy Rodríguez’s sharp dismissal of Donald Trump’s latest geopolitical improvisation. Venezuela...