The G7 Summit that mistook silence for stability by Kingsley Cobb

For a few fleeting days, the mood among Western leaders was almost celebratory. At the latest G-7 summit the sense of relief was unmistakable. There were no dramatic walkouts, no public explosions of anger, no headline-grabbing attacks on allies. French President Emmanuel Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer reportedly went as far as offering military support to help the United States secure the Strait of Hormuz after Iran threatened one of the world's most important energy corridors. In return, they sought stronger American backing for Ukraine. Diplomacy appeared to be functioning once again.

In today's geopolitical climate, however, the definition of success has become remarkably modest. The benchmark is no longer bold agreements or visionary leadership. It is simply avoiding disaster. As one observer noted, success now means the absence of rupture. If the United States behaves in a relatively normal fashion and the summit concludes without a transatlantic crisis, leaders leave feeling victorious.

That alone says a great deal about the state of the Western alliance. The optimism surrounding the summit was real, but it was also fragile. It existed largely within the carefully managed confines of diplomatic meetings, private discussions, and choreographed public appearances. Once the summit ended, reality returned with remarkable speed. Opinion pages, political analysts, and foreign policy commentators quickly filled the media landscape with a very different conversation: the growing possibility that we are witnessing the gradual end of American dominance.

The contrast was striking. Inside the summit halls, leaders spoke of cooperation, stability, and shared interests. Outside those halls, the debate centered on decline, fragmentation, and uncertainty.

This disconnect reveals the central challenge facing Western governments. They are attempting to project confidence at a time when confidence itself has become increasingly difficult to sustain. The institutions built after World War II were designed around the assumption of consistent American leadership. NATO, the global trading system, and much of the international security architecture depended on a United States that was both powerful and predictable.

Today, power remains. Predictability does not. The rest of the world notices this. Allies notice it. Rivals certainly notice it. China continues expanding its influence across multiple continents. Russia remains determined to challenge Western interests despite immense economic pressure. Middle Eastern powers are pursuing increasingly independent foreign policies. Even traditional allies are quietly discussing scenarios that would have seemed unthinkable a decade ago: a future in which Washington becomes less willing, or less able, to act as the central pillar of the international order.

None of this means American dominance will disappear tomorrow. Great powers rarely collapse overnight. More often, influence erodes gradually while political leaders insist everything remains under control. The real danger is not sudden decline but complacency, the belief that maintaining appearances is equivalent to maintaining strength.

That is why the relief displayed at the G-7 summit deserves closer examination. Relief is not strategy. Temporary harmony is not long-term stability. And the absence of conflict during a few days of meetings does not answer the larger questions confronting the West.

As leaders prepare for the upcoming NATO summit, they face a reality they would rather avoid. The challenge is no longer simply keeping the United States inside the Western camp. The challenge is convincing the world that the camp itself remains coherent, confident, and capable of leading.

For now, Western leaders are celebrating a summit that did not go badly. In another era, that would have been the bare minimum. Today, it is treated as a triumph. That may be the most revealing sign of all.


Italy’s endless rightward frontier by John Kato

Italian politics has a peculiar habit: just when observers conclude that the right has reached its outer limits, another politician appears to argue that it has not gone nearly far enough. The launch of Roberto Vannacci’s new party, National Future, is merely the latest chapter in a story that has been repeating itself for decades.

Vannacci is not an obvious political novice. A highly decorated retired general, he arrives with the sort of public profile that many aspiring politicians spend years trying to construct. He has cultivated an image of bluntness, defiance and unapologetic patriotism. To supporters, he is a truth-teller willing to challenge political orthodoxies. To critics, he is another populist entrepreneur exploiting cultural anxieties for electoral gain. Either way, he understands a central rule of modern politics: visibility matters more than pedigree.

What makes his move significant is not simply the creation of another party. Italy has never suffered from a shortage of those. Rather, it is the political space he seeks to occupy. Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni already leads one of the most right-leaning governments in modern Italian history. Conventional wisdom would suggest that there is little room to maneuver further right. Yet Vannacci clearly believes otherwise.

His calculation may prove less reckless than it initially appears. Italian politics has long been characterized by fragmentation, ideological reinvention and voter volatility. Parties emerge, merge, collapse and reappear with astonishing frequency. Political brands are often temporary; political grievances are not. Every time a governing coalition settles into office, a portion of its supporters inevitably becomes disappointed. Some feel betrayed by compromises. Others conclude that campaign promises have been diluted by the realities of governing. These voters often begin searching for a purer alternative.

That search creates opportunities for challengers like Vannacci. The paradox of successful right-wing governments is that they often generate demand for even more radical competitors. Once in power, parties that once thrived on protest must suddenly administer budgets, negotiate with European institutions and make difficult trade-offs. Governing turns revolutionaries into managers. Inevitably, some voters interpret pragmatism as surrender.

Meloni herself benefited from this dynamic. For years she positioned herself as the uncompromising alternative to an established political class. Now she occupies the establishment's seat. The outsider has become the incumbent. That transformation creates political space, and ambitious figures are rarely slow to occupy it.

National Future therefore represents less a challenge to Italy’s political system than an expression of its enduring logic. Italian voters have repeatedly demonstrated an appetite for movements that promise renewal, authenticity and national revival. The names change. The slogans evolve. The underlying appeal remains remarkably consistent.

Whether Vannacci can transform media attention into electoral success is another matter entirely. Launching a party is easy. Building a durable political organization is far harder. Italian history is littered with charismatic personalities who generated headlines but failed to establish lasting movements. Celebrity and controversy can attract supporters; sustaining them requires discipline, structure and a coherent governing vision.

Still, dismissing National Future would be unwise. Its emergence highlights a broader reality about contemporary Italy. The political contest on the right is no longer primarily between conservatives and progressives. Increasingly, it is a competition among different shades of conservatism, nationalism and populism. The battle is over who best embodies those instincts, not whether they should dominate the agenda.

That is why Vannacci’s arrival feels familiar. In many democracies, political space eventually reaches a boundary. In Italy, it often seems more elastic. Every time analysts declare the right fully occupied, someone discovers another frontier beyond it. And every few years, a segment of the electorate decides to explore it.


Ovi Pulp Vortex #eMagazine - Issue 2

 

Welcome back to the Ovi's Pulp Vortex second issue; where the air is thin, but the ideas are suffocatingly thick. This month, we turn our gaze skyward and immediately regret it. In our lead feature, The Glass Horizon, we explore a chilling new subspecies of climate fiction: the Aeropocalypse.

Forget rising seas; the real terror is the very thing keeping you alive, breathable atmosphere, turning into a weapon, a commodity, or a tomb.

Pulp Vortex - Issue 2
Ovi Pulp stories eMagazine
June 2026
Ovi eMagazines Publications 2026

Pulp Vortex - Issue 2

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Berserk Alert! #110 #Cartoon by Tony Zuvela

 

Tony Zuvela and his view of the world around us in a constant berserk alert!
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Trekking Chat #010 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

They trek across surreal cartoon streets, armed with quirky sarcasm
and boundless humor. They map uncharted valleys, befriend bizarre creatures
and find the real adventure in their square frames.

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The illusion of victory by Robert Perez

After nearly four months of fighting, the United States finds itself declaring success in a war that appears to have delivered remarkably little of what it set out to achieve. Washington may point to destroyed targets, military sorties and diplomatic agreements as evidence of victory. Yet when measured against strategic outcomes rather than battlefield headlines, the campaign against Iran increasingly resembles an expensive exercise in self-deception.

The figures alone are sobering. Thirteen American personnel have lost their lives. Roughly 3,500 Iranians have been killed. At least $29bn has been spent. Such costs might be justified if they had fundamentally weakened the Islamic Republic’s ability to threaten its neighbors, sponsor militant groups or pursue nuclear ambitions. Instead, the evidence suggests otherwise.

Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium has not disappeared. By most accounts, it remains buried beneath rubble in hardened tunnel complexes, inaccessible but far from eliminated. The distinction matters. A nuclear program delayed is not a nuclear program dismantled. Washington’s objective was never merely to create debris; it was to remove a strategic threat. On that measure, success remains elusive.

Nor has Iran’s military capacity been broken. Despite sustained attacks, Tehran retains a substantial missile and drone arsenal. The war demonstrated vulnerabilities, certainly, but it also highlighted resilience. The Islamic Republic absorbed punishment that many expected would cripple its armed forces. Instead, it continues to possess the tools necessary to project power across the region and threaten adversaries far beyond its borders.

Equally striking is what has not changed among Iran’s network of proxies and allied militant groups. The organizations that form the backbone of Tehran’s regional influence remain largely intact. Years of American policy have rested on the assumption that weakening Iran would weaken these groups. Yet the war has not delivered that outcome. The infrastructure of influence that stretches from Lebanon to Iraq and beyond survives.

Perhaps most damagingly for Washington, the conflict may have enhanced Iran’s strategic standing rather than diminished it. The regime has demonstrated an ability to withstand a massive American military assault and remain in power. In authoritarian systems, survival itself often becomes a form of victory. Tehran can now present endurance as proof that it successfully resisted the world’s most powerful military.

The economic dimension is equally troubling. By disrupting shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, Iran reminded the world of its capacity to hold global markets hostage. Energy prices trembled. Governments scrambled. Investors watched nervously. The episode reinforced a reality that military action was supposed to reduce: Iran remains capable of exerting enormous leverage over the international economy.

The diplomatic consequences may prove even more enduring. The conflict exposed disagreements between Washington and Jerusalem that had previously been contained behind closed doors. Strategic unity gave way to visible friction. Allies who entered the crisis expecting coordination instead witnessed growing divergence. Such fractures are not easily repaired.

Then there is the agreement that emerged from the fighting. If reports of its contents are accurate, it compares unfavorably with the nuclear deal negotiated during Barack Obama’s presidency. Tehran appears positioned to benefit from sanctions relief and access to billions of dollars in previously frozen assets. A war supposedly intended to force concessions may ultimately provide financial rewards.

This leaves an uncomfortable question. What exactly has America gained? It has spent vast sums, sacrificed lives and destabilized a crucial region. Yet Iran’s nuclear potential persists, its military remains dangerous, its proxies survive and its leadership stands defiant. Meanwhile, Tehran may soon enjoy economic benefits that strengthen rather than weaken the regime.

President Trump insists that history will record a triumph. History, however, tends to judge wars by results rather than rhetoric. If strategic objectives are the benchmark, America has not secured a decisive victory. It has merely paid a very high price to discover the limits of military power.


A princess, Champagne and nationalism by Nadine Moreau

For years, Jordan Bardella has been one of the most effective political salesmen in Europe. Young, polished and relentlessly disciplined, the leader of France’s National Rally has helped transform a party long associated with fringe extremism into a mainstream electoral force. He has done so by presenting himself as a man of ordinary France, the product of a modest upbringing, a resident of the outer suburbs, and a politician who understands the frustrations of workers, commuters and struggling families.

That image has now collided with a rather awkward photograph. The sight of Bardella sipping champagne in a VIP enclosure at the Monaco Grand Prix alongside his girlfriend, Princess Maria Carolina of Bourbon-Two Sicilies, may seem trivial. Politicians are entitled to holidays, relationships and moments of leisure. Yet politics is rarely about reality alone. It is about symbols. And in modern populism, symbols matter more than ever.

The National Rally has spent years constructing a narrative of social proximity. Its leaders speak constantly of forgotten citizens, neglected provinces and elites detached from everyday concerns. The party’s success rests not merely on its policies but on the perception that it belongs to the same world as its voters.

Monaco belongs to a different world entirely. The principality is less a city than a global symbol of wealth. It represents inherited privilege, luxury lifestyles and the kind of international elite networks that populist movements typically denounce. Formula One’s most glamorous race, watched from yachts and exclusive terraces, is hardly the natural habitat of a politician seeking to embody popular anger against established power.

This is not simply a matter of hypocrisy. All successful populist movements face a structural problem. Their leaders often rise so far that they become exactly the sort of elite figures they once criticised. Success changes lifestyles. Electoral victories bring influence, access and wealth. The outsider eventually becomes an insider.

The challenge is particularly acute for the European hard right because its appeal increasingly transcends class. National Rally no longer relies solely on working-class voters. It attracts professionals, entrepreneurs and segments of the middle class. As the party broadens its coalition, its leaders inevitably move within circles that would once have seemed politically dangerous.

Yet voters remain sensitive to authenticity. Many supporters will shrug at the Monaco photographs. Some may even admire them. Modern politics is not driven entirely by class resentment. Plenty of voters enjoy seeing their leaders appear successful and glamorous. The real danger lies elsewhere. Every populist party depends on maintaining a distinction between “the people” and “the elite.” Once that distinction becomes blurred, the movement risks losing part of its emotional force.

Bardella’s opponents understand this perfectly. They will seize every opportunity to portray him as another member of the establishment he claims to oppose. The image of a suburban politician turned champagne-drinking guest of aristocratic circles writes its own attack advertisements.

The irony is that National Rally has worked hard to normalise itself. Marine Le Pen spent years detoxifying the party’s image, while Bardella has become its youthful, media-friendly face. Their ambition is not merely to protest against the system but eventually to govern it. Yet governing parties are judged differently from insurgent movements. They are expected to embody responsibility rather than rebellion.

That transition is never easy. For now, the Monaco episode is unlikely to inflict serious political damage. French voters have larger concerns than a weekend at a motor race. But it serves as a reminder of a deeper tension running through contemporary populism. The more successful populist leaders become, the harder it is for them to pretend they remain outsiders.

Jordan Bardella’s problem is not that he was seen drinking champagne with a princess. It is that the photograph captured a question that haunts every populist movement once it approaches power: when does the champion of the people become part of the elite?


Carpond #015 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

A cacophony of singalongs, stifled yawns,
and surprisingly insightful debates
on the existential dread of a four wheeler vacuum

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Wooded Windows #Poem by Strider Marcus Jones

 

as this long life slowly goes
i find myself returning
to look through wooded windows.
forward or back, empires and regimes remain
in pyramids of power
butchering the blameless for glorious gain.

feudal soldiers firing guns
and wingless birds dropping smart bombs
on mothers, fathers, daughters, sons,
follow higher orders
to modernise older civilisations
repeating what history has taught us.
in turn, their towers of class and cash
will crumble and crash
on top of Ozymandias.
hey now, woods of winter leafless grip
and fractures split
drawing us into it.
love slide in days
through summer heat waves
and old woodland ways
with us licking
then dripping
and sticking
chanting wiccan songs
embraced in pagan bonds
living light, loving long,
fingers painting runes on skin
back to the beginning
when freedom wasn't sin.


Strider Marcus Jones – is a poet, law graduate and former civil servant from Salford, England with proud Celtic roots in Ireland and Wales. He is the editor and publisher of Lothlorien Poetry Journal https://lothlorienpoetryjournal.blogspot.com/. A member of The Poetry Society, nominated for the Pushcart Prize x4 and Best of the Net x3, his five published books of poetry https://stridermarcusjonespoetry.wordpress.com/ reveal a maverick, moving between cities, playing his saxophone in smoky rooms.

Poverty Of Hope #Poem #Painting by Nikos Laios

 

Tents pitched
In front of shuttered
Shops in decaying
English towns that
Have seen better
Days.

Frayed
And tattered
Shopfronts,
Citizens living
On benefits,
The golden age
Of the Industrial
Revolution a
Fading memory,
And the chaos of
Daily demonstrations
By a left and right
Who cling onto desperate
Causes to give their hollow
Lives some meaning
And definition.

While the bedraggled
And poor of Africa
And the Middle East
Cross the Channel with
The delusion that
Material prosperity
Will save their souls.

Instead they find
A decaying land
And a poverty
Of hope in a
Hostile world
And a people
Living through
The fall of their
Civilisation,
For where
There’s a rise
There’s also
A fall.

 *******************************
With a digital painting from Nikos Laios

 *******************************
Check Nikos Laios' eBOOK, HERE!

#eBook Indonesia, the plastic democracy by Wiryo Huojin

Twenty-six years after the fall of Suharto, Indonesia still celebrates Reformasi as its great democratic awakening. The world hails the world’s third-largest democracy, a vibrant, Muslim-majority nation where presidents now peacefully transfer power, local elections fill thousands of posts, and civil society ostensibly thrives.

But beneath the gleaming surface of electoral spectacle and constitutional reform lies a more troubling reality: a democracy that bends, stretches, and appears resilient, yet never truly breaks from the old order’s grip. This is not a failed democracy, nor an authoritarian reversion. It is something more insidious. It is a plastic democracy.

The metaphor is deliberate. Plastic is malleable, durable, and cheap to produce. It can be remoulded to serve new functions while retaining its essential composition. Indonesia’s democratic institutions, regional autonomy, direct elections, constitutional courts, Islamic parties, and special autonomy funds, have been systematically repurposed by the very forces Reformasi claimed to dismantle.

Ovi eBook Publishing 2026

Indonesia, the plastic democracy

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The G7 Summit that mistook silence for stability by Kingsley Cobb

For a few fleeting days, the mood among Western leaders was almost celebratory. At the latest G-7 summit the sense of relief was unmistakab...