The illusion of victory by Robert Perez

After nearly four months of fighting, the United States finds itself declaring success in a war that appears to have delivered remarkably little of what it set out to achieve. Washington may point to destroyed targets, military sorties and diplomatic agreements as evidence of victory. Yet when measured against strategic outcomes rather than battlefield headlines, the campaign against Iran increasingly resembles an expensive exercise in self-deception.

The figures alone are sobering. Thirteen American personnel have lost their lives. Roughly 3,500 Iranians have been killed. At least $29bn has been spent. Such costs might be justified if they had fundamentally weakened the Islamic Republic’s ability to threaten its neighbors, sponsor militant groups or pursue nuclear ambitions. Instead, the evidence suggests otherwise.

Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium has not disappeared. By most accounts, it remains buried beneath rubble in hardened tunnel complexes, inaccessible but far from eliminated. The distinction matters. A nuclear program delayed is not a nuclear program dismantled. Washington’s objective was never merely to create debris; it was to remove a strategic threat. On that measure, success remains elusive.

Nor has Iran’s military capacity been broken. Despite sustained attacks, Tehran retains a substantial missile and drone arsenal. The war demonstrated vulnerabilities, certainly, but it also highlighted resilience. The Islamic Republic absorbed punishment that many expected would cripple its armed forces. Instead, it continues to possess the tools necessary to project power across the region and threaten adversaries far beyond its borders.

Equally striking is what has not changed among Iran’s network of proxies and allied militant groups. The organizations that form the backbone of Tehran’s regional influence remain largely intact. Years of American policy have rested on the assumption that weakening Iran would weaken these groups. Yet the war has not delivered that outcome. The infrastructure of influence that stretches from Lebanon to Iraq and beyond survives.

Perhaps most damagingly for Washington, the conflict may have enhanced Iran’s strategic standing rather than diminished it. The regime has demonstrated an ability to withstand a massive American military assault and remain in power. In authoritarian systems, survival itself often becomes a form of victory. Tehran can now present endurance as proof that it successfully resisted the world’s most powerful military.

The economic dimension is equally troubling. By disrupting shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, Iran reminded the world of its capacity to hold global markets hostage. Energy prices trembled. Governments scrambled. Investors watched nervously. The episode reinforced a reality that military action was supposed to reduce: Iran remains capable of exerting enormous leverage over the international economy.

The diplomatic consequences may prove even more enduring. The conflict exposed disagreements between Washington and Jerusalem that had previously been contained behind closed doors. Strategic unity gave way to visible friction. Allies who entered the crisis expecting coordination instead witnessed growing divergence. Such fractures are not easily repaired.

Then there is the agreement that emerged from the fighting. If reports of its contents are accurate, it compares unfavorably with the nuclear deal negotiated during Barack Obama’s presidency. Tehran appears positioned to benefit from sanctions relief and access to billions of dollars in previously frozen assets. A war supposedly intended to force concessions may ultimately provide financial rewards.

This leaves an uncomfortable question. What exactly has America gained? It has spent vast sums, sacrificed lives and destabilized a crucial region. Yet Iran’s nuclear potential persists, its military remains dangerous, its proxies survive and its leadership stands defiant. Meanwhile, Tehran may soon enjoy economic benefits that strengthen rather than weaken the regime.

President Trump insists that history will record a triumph. History, however, tends to judge wars by results rather than rhetoric. If strategic objectives are the benchmark, America has not secured a decisive victory. It has merely paid a very high price to discover the limits of military power.


A princess, Champagne and nationalism by Nadine Moreau

For years, Jordan Bardella has been one of the most effective political salesmen in Europe. Young, polished and relentlessly disciplined, the leader of France’s National Rally has helped transform a party long associated with fringe extremism into a mainstream electoral force. He has done so by presenting himself as a man of ordinary France, the product of a modest upbringing, a resident of the outer suburbs, and a politician who understands the frustrations of workers, commuters and struggling families.

That image has now collided with a rather awkward photograph. The sight of Bardella sipping champagne in a VIP enclosure at the Monaco Grand Prix alongside his girlfriend, Princess Maria Carolina of Bourbon-Two Sicilies, may seem trivial. Politicians are entitled to holidays, relationships and moments of leisure. Yet politics is rarely about reality alone. It is about symbols. And in modern populism, symbols matter more than ever.

The National Rally has spent years constructing a narrative of social proximity. Its leaders speak constantly of forgotten citizens, neglected provinces and elites detached from everyday concerns. The party’s success rests not merely on its policies but on the perception that it belongs to the same world as its voters.

Monaco belongs to a different world entirely. The principality is less a city than a global symbol of wealth. It represents inherited privilege, luxury lifestyles and the kind of international elite networks that populist movements typically denounce. Formula One’s most glamorous race, watched from yachts and exclusive terraces, is hardly the natural habitat of a politician seeking to embody popular anger against established power.

This is not simply a matter of hypocrisy. All successful populist movements face a structural problem. Their leaders often rise so far that they become exactly the sort of elite figures they once criticised. Success changes lifestyles. Electoral victories bring influence, access and wealth. The outsider eventually becomes an insider.

The challenge is particularly acute for the European hard right because its appeal increasingly transcends class. National Rally no longer relies solely on working-class voters. It attracts professionals, entrepreneurs and segments of the middle class. As the party broadens its coalition, its leaders inevitably move within circles that would once have seemed politically dangerous.

Yet voters remain sensitive to authenticity. Many supporters will shrug at the Monaco photographs. Some may even admire them. Modern politics is not driven entirely by class resentment. Plenty of voters enjoy seeing their leaders appear successful and glamorous. The real danger lies elsewhere. Every populist party depends on maintaining a distinction between “the people” and “the elite.” Once that distinction becomes blurred, the movement risks losing part of its emotional force.

Bardella’s opponents understand this perfectly. They will seize every opportunity to portray him as another member of the establishment he claims to oppose. The image of a suburban politician turned champagne-drinking guest of aristocratic circles writes its own attack advertisements.

The irony is that National Rally has worked hard to normalise itself. Marine Le Pen spent years detoxifying the party’s image, while Bardella has become its youthful, media-friendly face. Their ambition is not merely to protest against the system but eventually to govern it. Yet governing parties are judged differently from insurgent movements. They are expected to embody responsibility rather than rebellion.

That transition is never easy. For now, the Monaco episode is unlikely to inflict serious political damage. French voters have larger concerns than a weekend at a motor race. But it serves as a reminder of a deeper tension running through contemporary populism. The more successful populist leaders become, the harder it is for them to pretend they remain outsiders.

Jordan Bardella’s problem is not that he was seen drinking champagne with a princess. It is that the photograph captured a question that haunts every populist movement once it approaches power: when does the champion of the people become part of the elite?


Carpond #015 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

A cacophony of singalongs, stifled yawns,
and surprisingly insightful debates
on the existential dread of a four wheeler vacuum

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Wooded Windows #Poem by Strider Marcus Jones

 

as this long life slowly goes
i find myself returning
to look through wooded windows.
forward or back, empires and regimes remain
in pyramids of power
butchering the blameless for glorious gain.

feudal soldiers firing guns
and wingless birds dropping smart bombs
on mothers, fathers, daughters, sons,
follow higher orders
to modernise older civilisations
repeating what history has taught us.
in turn, their towers of class and cash
will crumble and crash
on top of Ozymandias.
hey now, woods of winter leafless grip
and fractures split
drawing us into it.
love slide in days
through summer heat waves
and old woodland ways
with us licking
then dripping
and sticking
chanting wiccan songs
embraced in pagan bonds
living light, loving long,
fingers painting runes on skin
back to the beginning
when freedom wasn't sin.


Strider Marcus Jones – is a poet, law graduate and former civil servant from Salford, England with proud Celtic roots in Ireland and Wales. He is the editor and publisher of Lothlorien Poetry Journal https://lothlorienpoetryjournal.blogspot.com/. A member of The Poetry Society, nominated for the Pushcart Prize x4 and Best of the Net x3, his five published books of poetry https://stridermarcusjonespoetry.wordpress.com/ reveal a maverick, moving between cities, playing his saxophone in smoky rooms.

Poverty Of Hope #Poem #Painting by Nikos Laios

 

Tents pitched
In front of shuttered
Shops in decaying
English towns that
Have seen better
Days.

Frayed
And tattered
Shopfronts,
Citizens living
On benefits,
The golden age
Of the Industrial
Revolution a
Fading memory,
And the chaos of
Daily demonstrations
By a left and right
Who cling onto desperate
Causes to give their hollow
Lives some meaning
And definition.

While the bedraggled
And poor of Africa
And the Middle East
Cross the Channel with
The delusion that
Material prosperity
Will save their souls.

Instead they find
A decaying land
And a poverty
Of hope in a
Hostile world
And a people
Living through
The fall of their
Civilisation,
For where
There’s a rise
There’s also
A fall.

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With a digital painting from Nikos Laios

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#eBook Indonesia, the plastic democracy by Wiryo Huojin

Twenty-six years after the fall of Suharto, Indonesia still celebrates Reformasi as its great democratic awakening. The world hails the world’s third-largest democracy, a vibrant, Muslim-majority nation where presidents now peacefully transfer power, local elections fill thousands of posts, and civil society ostensibly thrives.

But beneath the gleaming surface of electoral spectacle and constitutional reform lies a more troubling reality: a democracy that bends, stretches, and appears resilient, yet never truly breaks from the old order’s grip. This is not a failed democracy, nor an authoritarian reversion. It is something more insidious. It is a plastic democracy.

The metaphor is deliberate. Plastic is malleable, durable, and cheap to produce. It can be remoulded to serve new functions while retaining its essential composition. Indonesia’s democratic institutions, regional autonomy, direct elections, constitutional courts, Islamic parties, and special autonomy funds, have been systematically repurposed by the very forces Reformasi claimed to dismantle.

Ovi eBook Publishing 2026

Indonesia, the plastic democracy

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Nuttley #49: Cinnamon Raisin Bagel #Cartoon by Patrick McWade

 

Nuttley is a comic strip with Nuttley as its protagonist.
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World Refugee Day by Rene Wadlow

20 June is the UN-designated World Refugee Day marking the signing in 1951 of the Convention on Refugees. The condition of refugees and migrants has become a “hot” political issue in many countries, and the policies of many governments have been very inadequate to meet the challenges.  The UN-led World Humanitarian Summit held in Istanbul, Turkey 23-24 May, 2016 called for efforts to prevent and resolve conflicts by “courageous leadership, acting early, investing in stability, and ensuring broad participation by affected people and other stakeholders.”

If there were more courageous political leadership, we might not have the scope and intensity of the problems that we now face.  Care for refugees is the area in which there is the closest cooperation between non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the UN system. As one historian of the work of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has written “ No element has been more vital to the successful conduct of the programmes of the UNHCR than the close partnership between UNHCR and the non-governmental organizations.”

The 1956 flow of refugees from Hungary was the first emergency operation of the UNHCR. The UNHCR turned to the International Committee of the Red Cross and the League of Red Cross Societies which had experience and the finances to deal with such a large and unexpected refugee departures and resettlements.  Since 1956, the UNHCR has increased the number of NGOs, both international and national, with which it works given the growing needs of refugees and the increasing work with internally displaced persons who were not originally part of the UNHCR mandate.

Along with emergency responses − tents, water, medical facilities − there are longer-range refugee needs, especially facilitating integration into host societies.  It is the integration of refugees and migrants which has become a contentious political issue.  Less attention has been given to the concept of “investing in stability”. One example:

The European Union (EU), despite having pursued in words the design of a Euro-Mediterranean Community, in fact did not create the conditions to approach its achievement.  The Euro-Mediterranean partnership, launched in 1995 in order to create a free trade zone and promote cooperation in various fields, has failed in its purpose.  The EU did not promote a plan for the development of the countries of North Africa and the Middle East and did nothing to support the democratic currents of the Arab Spring.  Today, the immigration crisis from the Middle East and North Africa has been dealt with almost exclusively as a security problem.

The difficulties encountered in the reception of refugees do not lie primarily in the number of refugees but in the speed with which they have arrived in Western Europe. These difficulties are the result of the lack of serious reception planning and weak migration policies. The war in Syria has gone on for five years.  Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan, not countries known for their planning skills, have given shelter to nearly four million persons, mostly from the Syrian armed conflicts. That refugees would want to move further is hardly a surprise. That the refugees from war would be joined by “economic” and “climate” refugees is also not a surprise.  The lack of adequate planning has led to short-term “conflict management” approaches.  Fortunately NGOs and often spontaneous help have facilitated integration, but the number of refugees and the lack of planning also impacts NGOs.

Thus, there is a need on the part of both governments and NGOs to look at short-term emergency humanitarian measures and at longer-range migration patterns, especially at potential climate modification impact.  World Refugee Day can be a time to consider how best to create a humanist, cosmopolitan society.

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Rene Wadlow, President, Association of World Citizens


Sceptic feathers #130 #Cartoon by Thanos Kalamidas

 

Cynicism with feathers on thin wires.

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The old poison in new bottles by Thanos Kalamidas

The violent far-right demonstrations that have periodically erupted in Northern Ireland and parts of England should be understood as more than isolated outbreaks of public disorder. They are symptoms of a deeper and more troubling political trend that has spread across Europe; the normalization of extremist nationalism under the convenient banner of opposition to immigration.

To be clear, immigration is a legitimate subject for democratic debate. Citizens have every right to question border policies, integration strategies, housing pressures, labour-market effects and the capacity of public services. Serious democracies must be able to discuss these issues openly without accusations of bigotry. Yet what is unfolding on the fringes of European politics has little to do with policy and much to do with resentment, scapegoating and the deliberate cultivation of social conflict.

The pattern is depressingly familiar. Economic frustrations, cultural anxieties and declining trust in institutions are channelled toward a vulnerable target. Migrants become the explanation for every social ill. Housing shortages become an immigration problem. Crime becomes an immigration problem. Pressure on schools, hospitals and welfare systems becomes an immigration problem. Complex challenges are reduced to a single enemy. Once that enemy is identified, outrage replaces analysis.

History offers uncomfortable parallels. The far right of contemporary Europe is not identical to the movements that emerged during the final years of the Weimar Republic. Historical comparisons should never be made casually. Yet there is a reason the comparison continues to surface. The political mechanics are strikingly similar. A narrative of national decline is constructed. Political elites are denounced as traitors. Minority groups are portrayed as threats to national survival. Public anger is transformed into a permanent state of mobilization.

The danger lies not merely in rhetoric but in the gradual legitimization of political violence. When crowds gather not to persuade but to intimidate, when opponents are portrayed as enemies rather than fellow citizens and when democratic compromise is treated as weakness, the foundations of liberal society begin to erode. Violence becomes easier to justify because it is framed as self-defence. Extremism acquires a veneer of patriotism.

Northern Ireland, with its painful history of sectarian conflict, should understand this danger better than most places. Communities that have experienced decades of violence know how quickly inflammatory language can become physical confrontation. England, too, has repeatedly demonstrated that social cohesion is fragile and cannot be taken for granted. Political leaders who flirt with extremist narratives for short-term electoral gain often discover that they have unleashed forces they can no longer control.

Across Europe, the far right increasingly presents itself as a defender of democracy while simultaneously undermining democratic norms. It claims to speak for “the people” while dismissing courts, journalists, academics and independent institutions whenever they challenge its narrative. This contradiction is not accidental. Authoritarian movements have long sought legitimacy through elections while attacking the very safeguards that make democratic systems resilient.

Europe should not ignore these warning signs. The continent’s twentieth century provides ample evidence of where politics based on grievance, exclusion, and national humiliation can lead. The lesson is not that every nationalist politician is a fascist or that every critic of immigration is an extremist. Such simplifications are as dangerous as those employed by the far right itself. The lesson is that societies must remain vigilant when political movements begin defining entire groups of people as the source of national decline.

The recent violence is therefore not merely a law-and-order issue. It is a test of democratic confidence. Europe must prove that legitimate concerns can be addressed through institutions, debate, and reform rather than through intimidation and street violence. If it fails, the continent risks discovering once again that history’s darkest chapters rarely return wearing the same uniform. More often, they arrive dressed in the language of patriotism and carrying old hatreds in new forms.


Juneteenth was never supposed to be comfortable by Cassandra Sparks

The holiday commemorates a moment that exposed a painful truth about American history, freedom delayed is freedom denied. More than two years after the Emancipation Proclamation, enslaved Black Americans in Texas finally learned they were free. Juneteenth is therefore not merely a celebration. It is a reminder of how institutions can resist justice long after the law appears settled.

That is why the political debates surrounding Juneteenth under Donald Trump and his administration deserve closer scrutiny. The issue is not whether officials openly oppose the holiday. Few do. Instead, the controversy lies in a pattern of explanations, qualifications, and restrictions that often seem designed to acknowledge Juneteenth while diminishing its broader meaning.

Supporters of the administration argue that concerns are exaggerated. They point out that Juneteenth became a federal holiday during Trump's first term and note that many government offices and agencies continue to recognize it. On paper, those facts matter. Yet symbolism in politics is rarely confined to official proclamations. Tone matters. Priorities matter. The language leaders use matters.

Over the years, discussions surrounding race, diversity programs, historical education, and public commemorations have increasingly become political battlegrounds. Within that environment, Juneteenth has sometimes been treated less as a national reflection and more as a cultural dispute. What should be a shared acknowledgment of a defining chapter in American history is instead filtered through partisan anxieties.

The result is a peculiar form of reluctance. Rather than directly challenging the holiday, critics often present a series of justifications. They argue that diversity initiatives connected to Juneteenth are unnecessary. They suggest that commemorations are divisive. They insist that discussions about systemic racism focus too heavily on the nation's flaws. Each argument arrives wrapped in the language of practicality, efficiency, or neutrality.

Yet neutrality can become a political choice of its own. When a government eagerly celebrates certain chapters of history while treating others with visible hesitation, citizens notice the difference. Americans are constantly told that patriotism means honoring the nation's achievements. That is true. But mature patriotism also requires confronting the moments when the country failed to live up to its ideals.

Juneteenth represents one of those moments. The holiday does not accuse modern Americans of historical crimes. It asks them to remember that liberty was unevenly distributed and fiercely resisted. That should not be a controversial observation. It is historical fact. Attempts to soften, narrow, or sidestep that reality risk transforming remembrance into ritual—a ceremony stripped of its purpose.

What makes the current debate particularly frustrating is that Juneteenth offers an opportunity for unity rather than division. Freedom is not a partisan value. It is an American value. The end of slavery should be one of the easiest events in national history to commemorate without hesitation or excuse.

Instead, the recurring disputes reveal a deeper discomfort about how the nation tells its story. Some leaders appear willing to celebrate freedom in the abstract while growing uneasy when asked to examine the struggle required to achieve it.

Juneteenth deserves better than that. A holiday born from delayed freedom should not be met with delayed enthusiasm. The lesson of Juneteenth is that justice arrives late when people spend too much time explaining why it must wait. America has heard those explanations before.


The illusion of victory by Robert Perez

After nearly four months of fighting, the United States finds itself declaring success in a war that appears to have delivered remarkably l...