The list nobody should top by Marissa Washington

Every year, the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict arrives with the uncomfortable truth that conflict-related sexual violence has become one of the most predictable features of modern warfare. It appears across continents, ideologies, religions, and political systems. It survives peace negotiations, outlasts ceasefires, and lingers long after the cameras have moved on. The weapon changes shape depending on the conflict, but its purpose remains remarkably consistent, terrorize civilians, humiliate communities, fracture families and demonstrate power.

That is why the annual publication of United Nations findings can feel less like a report and more like a recurring indictment of humanity itself. The countries and armed groups identified change in number and circumstance, but certain names repeatedly surface. Israel. Russia. Sudan. Others follow close behind. Different conflicts, different histories, different political narratives, yet the same devastating accusation emerges. Sexual violence is being used, tolerated or insufficiently prevented amid war.

Predictably, governments object when they appear on such lists. They dispute methodology. They challenge evidence. They accuse investigators of bias. Supporters rush to defend their side while critics weaponize the findings against their opponents. The conversation quickly becomes geopolitical. It becomes a debate over legitimacy, alliances, and diplomatic grievances.

What too often disappears are the victims. For survivors, these reports are not political documents. They are acknowledgments that what happened was real. In many conflict zones, victims carry their experiences in silence for years, sometimes decades. Communities may reject them. Authorities may ignore them. Courts may never hear their cases. A place on a U.N. list does not deliver justice, but it does create a record that cannot easily be erased.

There is also an uncomfortable hypocrisy surrounding the issue. Nations that rightly condemn sexual violence abroad are often reluctant to scrutinize allies accused of similar abuses. Outrage can become selective. Principles become flexible. Human rights, which should function as universal standards, are too often treated like diplomatic accessories, worn proudly when convenient and quietly stored away when politically awkward.

The result is a hierarchy of suffering that should not exist. Sexual violence in conflict is not more tragic when committed by an enemy, nor less tragic when committed by a partner. A victim does not experience trauma according to geopolitical alignments. The violation is the violation.

The persistence of these crimes also reveals a broader failure of deterrence. Military commanders, political leaders, and armed groups have heard decades of condemnation. They know the language of international law. They know the treaties. They know the resolutions. Yet the abuses continue. That reality suggests that moral outrage, while necessary, is not sufficient.

The International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict should therefore be more than a symbolic entry on the global calendar. It should be a reminder that accountability cannot depend on flags, alliances, or narratives. If the world is serious about ending these crimes, every allegation must be investigated with equal rigor, and every victim must be afforded equal dignity.

The most damning fact is not that certain countries appear on a list. It is that, year after year, the list remains necessary at all.